Citation
GENOCIDE ACTS AGAINST THE TUTSI IN
FORMER RWANDA TEA AUTHORITY (OCIRTHE) AND RWANDA COFFEE AUTHORITY
(OCIR-CAFE).
Prof. Francois Masabo
Tél : + (250) 078858 60 83
B.P : 117 Butare
Email:fmasabo@nur.ac.rw/masabofr@yahoo.fr
October 2017
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TABLE OF CONTENT
TABLE OF CONTENT .............................................................................................................................. 2
ACRONYMS ............................................................................................................................................... 6
EXECUTIVE SAMARY ............................................................................................................................ 7
GENERAL INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................ 12
I.1. Background of the study ................................................................................................................... 12
I.2. Objectives of the study ..................................................................................................................... 13
I.3. Understanding the concept of genocide .......................................................................................... 13
I.3.1. Legal Concept ............................................................................................................................ 14
I.3.2. Process of Genocide .................................................................................................................. 15
I.4. Deliverables....................................................................................................................................... 17
I.5. Methodology ..................................................................................................................................... 17
I.5.1. Pre-planning phase..................................................................................................................... 18
I.5.2. Collection of information phase ................................................................................................ 18
I.5.3. Reporting phase ......................................................................................................................... 18
II. GENOCIDE PERPETRATION AT HEADQUARTERS OF OCIR-THÉ AND OCIR-CAFÉ . 19
II.1. the Historical Background of NAEB and OCIR-Thé and OCIR-Café ................................................. 19
II.1.1 OCIRU: Office des cafes indigenes in Rwanda-Urundi............................................................ 19
II.1.2. OCIR ........................................................................................................................................ 20
II.1.3. OCIR-CAFÉ and OCIR-THÉ .................................................................................................. 20
II.1.4. NAEB ....................................................................................................................................... 21
II.2. Structure and Function within OCIR-Café and OCIR-Thé before 1990 .......................................... 23
II.2.1.Administration organigram/the functioning of OCIR-Café ...................................................... 23
II.2.2. OCIR-THE Headquarters office ............................................................................................... 26
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II.3. the livelihoods and the relationship between the personnel of OCIR-CAFÉ before 1990.............. 27
II.4. the livelihoods and the relationship between the personnel of OCIR-Café during the war of
liberation (1990-1994) ............................................................................................................................ 29
II.4.1. Harassment and human degrading............................................................................................ 30
II.4.2. Training of perpetrators of genocide ........................................................................................ 32
II.4.3. Immediate preparation of genocide and weapon supply .......................................................... 33
II.5. How genocide against Tutsi was perpetrated in OCIR-CAFÉ and OCIR-THE .................................... 34
II.6. Relationship and livelihood of the employees after genocide ........................................................ 40
II.7. Genocide commemoration in OCIR-Café ......................................................................................... 41
II.7.1. Commemoration in OCIR-Thé and OCIR-Café..................................................................... 42
II.7.2. Commemoration in NAEB ....................................................................................................... 43
II.8. Achievement of NAEB in supporting the families of the former staff survivors of the genocideformer staff of OCIR-Thé and OCIR-Café............................................................................................... 43
II. GENOCIDE PERPETRATION IN TEA FACTORIES ................................................................................... 45
III.1. Tea Plantation History in Rwanda ................................................................................................... 45
III.2. the structure and functioning of services within tea factories ....................................................... 48
III.3. Genocide perpetration in Mata Factory ......................................................................................... 49
III.3.1. Livelihoods and relationship among the personnel of Mata tea factory before 1990 ............. 49
III.3.2. Livelihoods and relationship among the staff during the liberation war (1990-1994). ........... 50
III.3.3. The commission of Genocide against Tutsi in Mata factory during 1994 .............................. 52
III.3.4. Genocide Commemoration and supporting the families of the ex-staff, survivors of the
genocide .............................................................................................................................................. 57
III.4. Genocide Perpetration in Kitabi Tea Factory .................................................................................. 57
III.4.1. Livelihoods and relationship among staff with Ktabi Tea Factory before 1990 ..................... 58
III.4.2. Livelihoods and relationship among staff with Kitabi Tea Factory during the war of liberation
(1990-1994)......................................................................................................................................... 58
III.4.3. How genocide against Tutsi was committed in Kitabi Tea Factory in 1994 .......................... 60
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III.4.4. Genocide Commemoration and supporting the families of the ex-staff, survivors of the
genocide .............................................................................................................................................. 63
III.5. Genocide perpetration in Gisovu Tea Factory ................................................................................ 64
III.5.1 Livelihoods and relationship among the staff of Gisovu tea factory during the liberation
period (1990-1994) ............................................................................................................................. 65
III.5.2. How genocided against Tutsi was perpetrated in Gisovu Factory .......................................... 65
III.5.3. Genocide Commemoration and supporting members of families survivors of the genocide in
Gisovu Tea Factory ............................................................................................................................. 68
III.6. Genocide perpetration in Gisakura Tea Factory ............................................................................. 69
III.6.1 Livelihoods and relationship among the personnel in Gisakura Factory during the liberation
war (1990-1994).................................................................................................................................. 69
III.6.2. How genocide was perpetrated in Gisakura tea factory? ........................................................... 70
III.6.3. Commemorating genocide and supporting families of former employees of the factory,
survivors of genocide .......................................................................................................................... 72
III.7. the acts of genocide perpetration in Shagasha Factory ................................................................. 73
III.7.1. Livelihoods and relationship among the personnel during the liberation war (1990-1994). .. 73
III.7.2. how genocide was committed in Shagasha Tea Factory ......................................................... 75
III.7.3. Genocide Commemoration and Supporting families of ex-employees, survivors of the
genocide .............................................................................................................................................. 78
III.8. The genocide Perpetration in the tea factory of Nyabihu .............................................................. 79
III.8.1. Livelihoods and Relationship among employees during the time of war liberation (19901994) ................................................................................................................................................... 79
III.8.2. How Genocide was perpetrated in Nyabihu Tea Factory? ...................................................... 80
III.8.3 commemorating genocide and supporting families of former employees, victims of the
genocide. ............................................................................................................................................. 82
III.9. Genocide Perpetration in Rubaya Tea Factory ............................................................................... 82
III.9.1. Livelihoods and Relationships among staff during the liberation war (1990-1994) ............... 83
III.9.2. How Genocide was Committed in Rubaya Tea Factory ......................................................... 84
III.9.3. Genocide Commemoration ..................................................................................................... 86
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III.10. How genocide was committed in Pfunda Tea Factory? ................................................................ 86
III.10.1. Livelihoods and Relationship among the staff during the war of liberation (1990-1994) .... 86
III.10.2. How Genocide was Committed in Pfunda Tea Factory? ...................................................... 87
III.10.3. Genocide Commemoration and Supporting Families of ex-staff who survived genocide.... 88
III.11. How genocide was committed in SORWATHE and Mulindi Tea Factory ? ................................... 88
III.11.1. Livelihoods and relationship among the staff during the war of liberation (1990-1994) ..... 88
III.11.2. Genocide Commemoration and Supporting Families of ex-staff who survived genocide.... 89
IV.CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS............................................................................... 90
IV.1. Conclusion....................................................................................................................................... 90
IV.2. Recommendations .......................................................................................................................... 93
V. CHALLENGES .................................................................................................................................... 93
REFERENCES .......................................................................................................................................... 95
APPENDICES ........................................................................................................................................... 97
Appendix 1: organigramme de l’OCIR-THE......................................................................................... 98
Appendix 2: Organigramme d’une usine de the ................................................................................ 99
Appendix 3; Organigramme de l’OCIR-Café. ................................................................................ 100
Appendix 4. The List of staff of OCIR-Thé and OCIR-Café killed in the genocide perpetrated
against Tutsi ........................................................................................................................................ 101
Appendix 5: Some Photos of staff killed in the genocide (Source: NAEB public relations) ......... 113
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ACRONYMS
BACAR: Banque Continentale Africaine du Rwanda
CDR: Coalition pour la Décence de la République
CNLG: Commission Nationale de lutte Contre le Génocide
CPPCG: Convention on Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide
FARG: Fond d’Assistance au Rescapes du Génocide
FILDH: Fédération Internationale des Ligues des Droits de L’homme
ICTR: International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda
MDR: Mouvement démocratique Républicain
MRND: Mouvement Révolutionnaire National pour le Développement
NAEB: National Agricultural export Development Board
NURC: National Unity and Reconciliation Commission
OCIR: Office des Cultures Industrielles du Rwanda
OCIRU: Office des cafés Indigènes du Rwanda-Urundi
O.G: Official gazette
PL: Parti Liberal
PSD: Parti Social Démocratique
RHODA: Rwanda Horticulture Development Authority
RPA: Rwandan Patriotic Army
SORWATHE: Société Rwandaise de Thé
UNAR: Union Nationale du Rwanda
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EXECUTIVE SAMARY
The genocide perpetrated against Tutsi was planned by Rwandans against other Rwandans. It
became obvious that the state machinery was involved in the planning and execution of
genocide. One of the strategies to prevent genocide is to highlight its evident features, the way it
was perpetrated, the period of its perpetration and the whole truth around it. In this regard,
NAEB planned the study to investigate how genocide was perpetrated in the former OCIR-Café,
OCIR-Thé and their tea factories.
The crime of genocide is legally defined by the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and
Punishment of the Crime of Genocide where its article II defines genocide as any act with intent
to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group, as such (a) Killing
members of the group; (b) Causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group; (c)
Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical
destruction in whole or in part; (d) Imposing measures intended to prevent births within the
group; (e) Forcibly transferring children of the group to another group.
The crime of genocide is prepared for a long time. It stems from genocide ideology, then comes
its propagation, the usage of state machinery, the segregation of the target group, the harassment
of the target group, making available weapons that will be used to destroy the target group in
secrecy. This goes hand in hand with simultaneously denying the genocide during its planning,
execution and after its commission.
This research on the acts of genocide in former Rwanda coffee authority and Rwanda tea
authority has been tasked with the following objectives:
1. To indicate the background of the NAEB (OCIR-Thé
and OCIR-Café) before the
Genocide Against the Tutsi 1994;
2. To indicate the social wellbeing and relationship of employees of OCIR-Thé
OCIR-Café before 1990;
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and
3. To indicate the social wellbeing and relationship of employees of OCIR-Thé and
OCIR-Café during the liberation period (1990 -1994);
4. To indicate how Genocide Against the Tutsi of 1994 was planned and implemented
in former OCIR-Thé and OCIR-Café;
5. To indicate any “obliteration acts” of genocide against the Tutsi during the Genocide
Against the Tutsi of 1994 in OCIR-Thé and OCIR-Café;
6. To indicate the “acts of torture or inhuman treatment” that characterized the
Genocide Against the Tutsi of 1994;
7. To indicate the social relationship/togetherness of NAEB employees after the
Genocide Against the Tutsi of 1994;
8. Gathering of testimonies from survivors or orphans of the employees of NAEB
(former OCIR-Thé and OCIR-Café) on the Genocide Against the Tutsi of 1994;
9. To provide video evidence in regard to testimonies and other relevant information
collected.
The study at hand was conducted at OCIR-Café and OCIR-Thé
Headquarters and at their 10
sub-branches before 1994 namely Mata, Kitabi, Gisovu, Gisakura, Shagasha, Nyabihu, Rubaya,
Pfunda, SORWATHE and Mulindi. The data collection used archives, official reports, books and
other available documents within those institutions. Finally, the in-depth interviews with the
former personnel and direct observation are among other techniques of data collection.
The results of this study indicate that the history of NAEB started in colonial era in 1945 when
OCIRU (Office des cafes indigenes du Rwanda-Urundi) was established. The latter became
OCIR (Office des cultures industrielles du Rwanda) and was given mission to promote industrial
products such as coffee, tea, pyrethrum and quinine. It was officially established after
distinguishing missions of both institutions. Later on, OCIR-Thé
and its sub-branches was
given a mission to promote tea and OCIR-Café was given its own mission to promote coffee in
1987. The remaining industrial products namely pyrethrum and quinine were bestowed to special
institutions. NAEB was established in 2011 and combined both OCIR missions and the mission
of RHODA that had been established in 2008 with a mission to promote horticulture (Law
39/2010 of 25/11/2010 in O.G, No 4 of 24/01/2011).
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Before 1990, the relationship between the personnel within OCIR-Café and OCIR-Thé and its
sub-branches was good. However, they were aware that ethnic and regional segregation in public
service was institutionalized. In 1973, staff within OCIR-Thé
and OCIR-Café and their sub-
branches all over the country were dismissed and were not re-integrated after pacification. Some
factories had leaders who were characterized by conspicuous segregation. To list few, there were
Ndabarinze Juvenal, the Director of Mata Tea factory, Kamodoka Denys the Director of Kitabi
Tea factory and Nsabimana Callixte, the Director of Shagasha Tea factory.
During the liberation war of 1990-1994, the aforesaid relationship changed and it was obvious
that in OCIR-Thé and OCIR-Café and their sub-branches, genocide was under preparation.
Harassing and degrading Tutsi: This includes arresting them as accomplices of RPF, even
though a big number of staff were not victims of mistreatment as compared to other places across
the country, allotting staff biased performance evaluation grades whereas before the liberation
war they used to get unbiased evaluation, dismissing Tutsi staff without justified reasons,
demoting them without reasons, preventing them from access to information related to their
employment positions, etc.
Creation of Interahamwe Militia Groups: at the OCIR-Thé
and OCIR-Café Headquarters
they started the selection of militiamen who had to get paramilitary trainings of killings in
Gabiro and Gako barracks. Some others used to go to Kigali city to get evening trainings on how
to manoeuvre the fire weapons. Whenever they returned, they said that they had been prepared to
kill Tutsi because they received commando paramilitary drills to kill. In every factory, they often
established a security group but in reality the latter were militiamen/Interahamwe who were
being under reconnaissance of the areas in which they would perpetrate genocide. Their duties
was to make census of the Tutsi, to harass them, and to permanently check on them. This
happened in Mata, Kitabi, Gisovu and Shagasha factories.
To help in the propagation of genocide ideology: Ngeze Hassan, a chief editor of hatred
newspaper “Kangura” had an editing office in OCIR-Thé . He used to hold meetings with the
leaders of OCIR-Thé . Across the different factories in the countries, there was a propagation of
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ideas indicating that Tutsi and Hutu could not live together and consequently the genocide was
the only solution.
Purchasing and stockpiling weapons for genocide perpetration: In OCIR-Thé
and OCIR-
Café , there was secret distribution of machetes among Interahamwe/militiamen even though this
was evident to the remaining staff. The Directors at Headquarters and sub-branches used to move
with fire weapons. There were weapons stockpiling in factories across the country. There were
stores of weapons that were distributed when the genocide broke out in Rubaya, Nyabihu,
Pfunda, Mata, Kitabi, Gisovu and Shagasha factories.
The Directors and personnel involved in the genocide perpetration: For instance, Bagaragaza
Michel, the General Director of OCIR-Thé . He went to lead the genocide in the tea factories of
Rubaya, Nyabihu and Pfunda through organizing the personnel that killed Tutsi who had taken
refuge at Kesho hill and Nyundo Cathederal. Across factories, you find that Directors
spearheaded killings in the areas of factory location. One can mention Ndabarinze Juvenal and
the staff of Mata factory, Kamodoka Denys and the staff of Kitabi factory, Musema Alfred and
the staff of Gisovu factory and Nsabimana Callixte and the staff of Shagasha factory.
The authority of the directors of factories: The directors of factories had exorbitant powers far
beyond the normal service related powers. They were involved in genocide planning and
perpetration in the areas where factories located. They were involved in meetings of genocide
preparation, they used factories’ personnel and vehicles to transport killers, and they used
factories’ money to buy beers for killers as a way of motivating them. Besides, during that time,
staff who were involved in killings used to receive their salary as if it was in normal
circumstances.
Disappearing evidences and acts of torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading
Treatment: people who were living in headquarters ‘compound were killed and thrown out in
the mass grave that was prepared in Gatenga cemetery. There were acts of rapes and physically
aborting women who were in last terms of pregnancy in some places such as Shagasha and
Gisovu. People who had been hidden in Gisakura, Shagasha, Mata and Kitabi tea plantations
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were hunted down with dogs. In northern areas in Rubaya, Nyabihu and Pfunda people do not
provide information on how genocide was committed. They say that have no information.
Genocide commemoration & supporting the families of survivors: NAEB exhorted the
personnel to value the act of commemorating the genocide perpetrated against Tutsi. This effort
started earlier in 2008 before its establishment where they used to organize visits to the genocide
commemoration site till they took another further positive step to commemorate while being
conscious about their staff survivors or families/orphans survivors victims. The commemoration
site was constructed in 2016. NAEB helped orphans through house construction, cows’
distribution to support them in everyday life. NAEB receives children of the former personnel,
victims, it supports them through professional internship at the end of their academic programs
and this is still continuing.
Many factories such as Mata, Kitabi, Gisovu, Gisakura, Shagasha commemorate genocide and
they scripted the names of the victims former staff on memorial sites. In other factories the act of
building memorial sites was not yet started and the commemoration per se did not yet take a
significant step. They only help the survivors in generally but a special attention is not yet paid to
survivors of former personnel. This research will provide testimonies of video records and
photos as provided in testimonies to indicate how genocide was committed in OCIR-Thé, OCIRCafé s and throughout their sub-branches factories across the country.
Recommendations:
All factories should carry out studies to discover information related to their former staff in
particular casual labour staff or the staff members of tea cooperatives. Such information obtained
will be a starting point to commemorate them and to build memorial sites in each factory.
Factories had a significant role in the planning and perpetration of genocide against their staff.
This should be a fundamental reason for factories to have the responsibility to provide significant
compensation to survivors or to members of family survivors belonging to the former both
OCIRs and their factories.
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I. GENERAL INTRODUCTION
This general introduction presents the background of the study, its objectives, conceptual
framework and methodology.
I.1. Background of the study
From the early 1960’s, the Rwandan leadership established a discriminatory system against Tutsi
group. Throughout this period there where constant human rights abuse, citizen’s rights violation
with impunity, segregation law and policy, inequality of treatment, and differential access to
basic public services. A quota system of 10% was applicable for Tutsi group in the
administration and school at all levels, two categories of citizenship: first and second class and as
a consequence many Rwandans left the country as refugees.
In the 1990’s Rwanda saw a political instability, high level of poverty (77.4% poverty rate in
1994 (Year Book 2012) and fragile relations within the region. There where political
oppositions, both within and outside of the country’s boarders; all this culminated in military
clashes between the regime of President Juvenal Habyarimana and the Rwandese Patriotic Army
(RPA). Although there was the signing of the 1993 Arusha Peace Accord, on 4th August 1993,
there was an escalation of violence, mass killing and finally there was the Genocide Against the
Tutsi in 1994. While the world watched, over 1 million Tutsi were killed in just 3 months. The
genocide was finally stopped in July 1994 by RPA Inkotanyi.
During the Genocide against the Tutsi, many Tutsis were killed by many and in many places
especially in government institutions. One of the weapons to fight genocide is to preserve
evidence of it, to document how, where and when it took place both as a record for the current
and future generation globally but also as a way of establishing the truth. It is for this reason that
the National Agricultural Export Development Board has hired a consultant to conduct research
on genocide acts against the Tutsi of 1994 which was committed in the former Rwanda Tea
authority (OCIR-Thé ) and Rwanda Coffee Authority (OCIR-Café ).
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I.2. Objectives of the study
The consultant has been tasked with the followings:
10. To indicate the background of the NAEB (OCIR-Thé and OCIR-Café ) before the
Genocide Against the Tutsi 1994;
11. To indicate the social wellbeing and relationship of employees of OCIR-Thé
and
OCIR-CAFÉ before 1990;
12. To indicate the social wellbeing and relationship of employees of OCIR-Thé and
OCIR-Café during the liberation period (1990 -1994);
13. To indicate how Genocide Against the Tutsi of 1994 was planned and implemented
in former OCIR-Thé and OCIR-Café ;
14. To indicate any “obliteration acts” of genocide against the Tutsi during the Genocide
Against the Tutsi of 1994 in OCIR-Thé and OCIR-Café ;
15. To indicate the “acts of torture or inhuman treatment” that characterized the
Genocide Against the Tutsi of 1994;
16. To indicate the social relationship/togetherness of NAEB employees after the
Genocide Against the Tutsi of 1994;
17. Gathering of testimonies from survivors or orphans of the employees of NAEB
(former OCIR-Thé and OCIR-Café ) on the Genocide Against the Tutsi of 1994;
To provide video evidence in regard to testimonies and other relevant information collected.
I.3. Understanding the concept of genocide
This research requires the understanding of genocide concept, we must first look at the legal aspect of
genocide and continues with the process of genocide.
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I.3.1. Legal Concept
According to Raphael Lemkin, in his book1, Genocide is “a coordinated plan of different actions
aiming at the destruction of essential foundations of the life of national groups, with the aim of
annihilating the groups themselves”. Rafael continues by saying that “Genocide has two phases:
one, destruction of the national pattern of the oppressed group; the other, the imposition of the
national pattern of the other.”
While Rafael describes genocide as such, in response to the horrors of the Holocaust during
World War II, the United Nations saw that there is a need to establish a convention that describes
and punishes the crime of Genocide namely, the UN Convention on the Prevention and
Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, Genocide 2(CPPCG) 1948.
In its Article II, Genocide “…means any of the following acts committed with intent to destroy,
in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group, as such:
(a) Killing members of the group;
(b) Causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group;
(c) Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its
physical destruction in whole or in part;
(d) Imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group;
(e) Forcibly transferring children of the group to another group.”
The convention, in Article III, goes on to say that “the following acts shall be punishable:
(a) Genocide
(b) Conspiracy to commit genocide;
(c) Direct and public incitement to commit genocide;
(d) Attempt to commit genocide;
(e) Complicity in genocide;
1
Lemkin Raphael, Axis Rule in occupied Europe: Laws of occupation, Analysis of Government,
proposal for Redress, Washington, 1944, p. 79
2
UN, United Nations Convention of the Prevention and the Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, New York, 1948
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Article IV of the convention states that “Persons committing genocide or any of the other acts
enumerated in Article III shall be punished, whether they are constitutionally responsible rulers,
public officials or private individuals.”
In regard to Rwanda, as established by the Rwanda Constitution, genocide is a punishable crime.
Article 10 principle 1, Rwandan Constitution 2003 as revised in 2015 states that Rwanda is
committed to “conform”, follow and ensure respect of certain principles, Principle 1 is
“Prevention and punishment of the crime of genocide, fighting against denial and revisionism of
genocide as well as eradication of genocide ideology and all its manifestation”.
I.3.2. Process of Genocide
As in the Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda, there has never been a genocide that is not
planned in any part of the world. Genocide has a long and detailed process in that, first and
foremost it is an ideological crime, meaning that divisionism and hate preaching is put in place
(one side against another) to prepare the mental capacity of the will-be perpetrators. Genocide is
a State Crime, meaning that it is planned and put in place by the government, it uses its military,
institutions, police, factories and even churches and schools in case of Rwanda to both plan and
implement Genocide.
The following are identifiable stages of genocide as identified by Gregory Stanton (Stanton G.,
20133):
Classification: The “so called enemy” must be identified, thus ID’s such as “indangamuntu” are
given stating the person’s ethnicity (Hutu/Tutsi/Twa) this is usual done to make it easy to
identify and also divide the population. Symbols to identify one group from another are used.
Symbolization: After classification and divisionism, targeted groups are given their own names
to identify them and make them different from others. In Rwanda this was done by creating three
3
Stanton Gregory, the ten stages of genocide, Washington, 2013
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different tribes, namely, Twa, Hutu and Tutsi. In Germany the Nazis made Jews wear a yellow
star at all the time.
Discrimination: Creation of discriminatory laws, policies. Political power put in place measures
to deny fundamental rights to certain groups. Quota system of 10% was established in Rwanda
against Tutsi group.
Dehumanization: Dehumanization is also a part of process; the targeted group is given names
that are not humane, this makes it easy to hate them. In Rwanda the Tutsi were called
cockroaches, snakes and other names, by pretending that they are not humans, it psychologically
makes it easy to kill them.
Organization: The genocide is always prepared. Mostly it is executed by states or government
machinery. It is often executed using militiamen and this is the case of Rwanda where a militia
group known as Interahamwe was given paramilitary trainings in military barracks.
Polarization: The genocide planners take this opportunity to target those who are not on either
side such as the international community, they divide the society and create conflicts, this allows
the government to say that one group cannot live with the other and that is why there is a
conflict. This allows the government to commit genocide under the shadow of conflict
(Germany/Rwanda).
Preparation: The planners of genocide must first prepare how it will be done and
educate/brainwash those who will commit genocide, in Rwanda, Interahamwe were created, told
how to get rid of their enemies. They were well prepared, both mentally, physically and armed
with different kind of weapons.
Persecution: Across the country, lists of all Tutsi to kill was made. Weapons were purchased
and distributed throughout the countries to enable killers to find them in locations during the
genocide perpetration. An order to move with an identification card was passed to allow killers
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to distinguish every time Hutu from Tutsi. There was a strategy of pushing in mass all Tutsi to
go in common places planned for their decimation such as churches, schools, stadiums, etc.
Extermination: Extermination is planned and implement by the government using pre-arranged
systems and resources (military, political and human resources). Certain tactics are usually put in
place, such as forcing the target group to free to one particular place to make it easy to kill them
(schools and church, in Rwanda, concentration camps in Germany).
Denial: Denial is the last step of genocide and is often planned (how to deny it) at the
preparation stage. After genocide has taken place, denying genocide means calling it something
else such as, “it never happened, it was double genocide, it was conflict not genocide, they also
killed our people etc.” This is done to make the victims feel worthless and non-existent and also
allows the perpetrators to get away from prosecution and punishment.
Genocide is a heinous crime and the Genocide against the Tutsi in 1994 was one of the worst
genocide in history. Its consequences will continue to be felt by many for many years to come;
both mentally, physically, socially, and economically. This research will identify and document
the truth about genocide committed in the former OCIR-Thé
and OCIR-Café so that the
knowledge of what happened is not lost.
I.4. Deliverables
The consultant will provide the following to the CEO of NAEB:
1. Inception Report,
2. Draft report, and
3. Final Report
I.5. Methodology
The consultancy work process is undertaken in a logical flow of activities in a three phase
process keeping in mind the ultimate objective. The three phases are:
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I.5.1. Pre-planning phase
In this phase, literature review will be carried out. Official documents of the company, annual
reports, Human Resources Archives, business plan, any other relevant literature.
I.5.2. Collection of information phase
Interview of staff from administration, key informants:
•
Those who worked for former OCIR-Café and OCIR-Thé as well as for the factories at
the time (survivors and perpetrators)
•
Families members of those who worked there
•
Those who have admitted guilt and are in prisons and or have been released
•
Any other person/institution that may have relevant and reliable information in this
regard.
I.5.3. Reporting phase
The consultant has provided with inception report, draft report and final report.
18
II. GENOCIDE PERPETRATION AT HEADQUARTERS OF OCIRTHÉ AND OCIR-CAFÉ
This section will concentrate on narrating how the act of genocide was perpetrated at the
headquarters of OCIR-Thé
and OCIR-Café from before 1990 till after the genocide when the
service of both institutions were merged in NAEB. The introductory part highlights the historical
background of institutions whose responsibility was to promote crop cash production from the
beginning till the era of NAEB. It goes on to indicate how genocide against Tutsi was planned
and executed within those institutions. It winds up while paying attention how the acts of
genocide commemoration and supporting survivors of the families belonging to the former staff
are organized.
II.1. the Historical Background of NAEB and OCIR-Thé and OCIR-Café
The NAEB historical genesis goes back to colonial period in 1945 since the creation of the
“Office des Cafes Indigenes du Ruanda-Urundi” (OCIRU).
II.1.1 OCIRU: Office des cafes indigenes in Rwanda-Urundi
The OCIRU was created by ministerial law No 243/2/A.E (Foreign Affairs ministerial law) on
10/09/1945. The OCIRU working policy was under both the No 53/417 and No 53/417
ministerial law established respectively on 04/12/1948 and on 24 /05/1950. The OCIRU had a
three-fold tasks: to encourage production, to improve trading conditions either locally or
internationally by classifying the beans into standard types, and to stabilize the income of
Rwandan and Burundian Arabica CAFÉ producers by setting up a reserve and stabilization fund.
After the Rwanda and Burundi independence, the two countries kept the OCIRU with the law
amendment.
The OCIRU new working policy was under law No 115/R and No 116/B
established on 22/06/1962. The new law had to enforce the missions of the OCIRU to improve
trading conditions by respecting the international standards, which could be applied on the other
agricultural products (Pyrethrum, Cinchona and Tea) that were involved in international trading.
19
However, at the beginning of 1962, the OCIRU’s task of sensitizing and encouraging the farmers
to increase the agricultural production was transferred to the Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry
and Animal Resources. The OCIRU tasks changed to the technical assistance services to farmers
such as: Build and maintain the coffee pulping and washing centers, maintenance of the
plantation, methods of cultivation, mulching, pruning, pest control, buying coffee seeds and be in
charge of paying the agricultural monitors.
II.1.2. OCIR
In the post-independence period, Burundi and Rwanda relationships were not in good terms.
Hence, the agreement convention on 26/04/1964 establishing a new statute of OCIRU between
both countries was not ratified by Rwanda. Besides, on 1st January 1964 Rwanda rejected any
economic partnership between both countries. On 30th July 1964 Rwanda established OCIR
(Office des cultures industrielles du Rwanda) taking over the mission of the former OCIRU. It
went on to align to the tasks of extending, maintaining and trading all cash crops.
II.1.3. OCIR-CAFÉ and OCIR-THÉ
In 1974, the presidential order No 48/12 of 1/1/1974 established the special department within
OCIR in charge of tea plantation. Yet, the decree law no 27/78 of 5/9/1978 highlighted the
difference of functions and duties between OCIR-Café and OCIR-Thé. OCIR –Café in particular
had a mission of sensitization and management of all duties related to coffee processing and
trading and be responsible of other crops which the government could assign to its attention4.
In 1978, the law decree No 27/78 of 5/9/1978 separated the OCIR-Café and OCIR-Thé and
clarified their respective responsibilities. Furthermore, the aforesaid law decree established also
the OPYRWA with special duties on Pyrethrum promotion.
4
OCIR-CAFE, OCIR-Café. 20 year in services. 1964-1984. p. 9-12.
20
The law decree No 26/78 of 5/9/1978 established the Tea department whereas the presidential
order No 522/05 of 11/11/1983 established the “OCIR-Th锑s mission and its functional
structure. The tea department was in charge of monitoring the tea agricultural activities, tea
factories and tea trading at national and international levels5. OCIR –Café in particular had a
mission of sensitization and management of all duties related to coffee processing and trading
and be responsible of other crops which the government could assign to its attention6.
II.1.4. NAEB
Since 2011, the commercialization of the farming products in Rwanda was bestowed to National
Agricultural Export Development Board (NAEB)7.The latter coalesced the service of the former
OCIR-Thé and OCIR-Café and the institute of horticulture promotion/RHODA8.
The vision of NAEB is to be a world class agriculture and livestock commodity export
development enterprise through innovation.
The Mission of NAEB is to facilitate the growth of business, to diversify agricultural and
livestock commodity export revenues.
The law establishing NAEB has been reviewed and replaced by Law No 13/2017 of 14/04/2017
establishing National Agricultural Export Development Board (NAEB) and determining its
mission, organization and functioning 9.
Article 2 establishes that “NAEB has legal personality and enjoys administrative and financial
autonomy and is also managed in accordance with relevant laws”. Article 3 provides that:
“NAEB falls within the category of commercial public institutions”. Article 5 determines the
mission of NAEB as follows:
5
OCIR-The, Etude des schémas directeurs d’informatisation, 1993, p. 7
OCIR-CAFE, OCIR-Café. 20 year in services. 1964-1984. p. 9-12.
7
Itegeko N°39/2010 of 25/11/2010 rishyiraho ikigo cy’igihugugishinzwe guteza imbere iyoherezwa mu mahanga
ry’ibikomoka ku buhinzi n’ubworozi (NAEB) kandi rikagena inshingano, imiterere n’imikorere byacyo in Official
Gazette No 4 of 24/1/2011.
8
Itegeko No 15/2008 ryo kw’itariki 9/6/2008 rishyiraho ikigo cy’igihugu gishinzwe guteza imbere ubuhinzi
bw’imboga n’imbuto mu Rwanda kandi rigena inshingano, imiterere n’imikorere, muri Gazetti ya Leta No 19 yo
kuw’itariki 1/10/2008.
9
Itegeko Nº 13/2017 of 14/04/20172010 rishyiraho ikigo cy’igihugugishinzwe guteza imbere iyoherezwa mu
mahanga ry’ibikomoka ku buhinzi n’ubworozi (NAEB) kandi rikagena inshingano, imiterere n’imikorere byacyo, in
Official Gazette No 18 of 1/5/2017 rekuraho Itegeko N°39/2010 of 25/11/2010.
6
21
1º to advise on the development of policy and strategies for developing exports of agricultural
and livestock products meeting international market requirements;
2º to implement policy and strategies for developing exports of agricultural and livestock
products meeting international market requirements;
3º to work with stakeholders’ networks and coordinate their activities in relation to the
processing and export of agricultural and livestock products;
4º to provide timely and cost-effective support services required for enhanced international
competitiveness of the private sector in agricultural and livestock exports;
5º to identify and diversify agricultural and livestock exports to sustain growth of foreign
currency revenues;
6º to identify and support research activities on agricultural and livestock extension regarding
exports of agricultural and livestock products;
7º to identify places for installation of factories and other activities meant for processing
agricultural and livestock products for export;
8º to participate in the setting and checking of quality standards for agriculture and livestock
export commodities in collaboration with other relevant institutions;
9º to issue certificates of authenticity and origin of agricultural and livestock export
commodities;
10º to put in place strategies designed to provide support and train private operators and
cooperatives involved in export of agricultural and livestock products;
11º to contribute to investments aimed at increasing production, industries and infrastructure for
adding value to agricultural and livestock products for export;
12º to collect and to analyse information on national, regional and international markets and
disseminate that information to the concerned stakeholders for use;
13º to participate in international negotiations and forums in order to ensure the protection and
extension of agricultural and livestock products export market;
14º to participate in various national, regional and international trade fairs, in order to promote
agricultural and livestock products for export;
15º to facilitate negotiations for setting and publishing minimum farm gate prices for agricultural
and livestock export commodities in collaboration with stakeholders;
22
16º to establish relations and cooperation with regional and international organisations with the
aim of improving operations and collaboration with regard to exports of agricultural and
livestock products.
Article 10 provides that: “The Board of Directors is the supreme organ composed of seven (7)
members appointed by a Presidential Order, including the Chairperson and the Deputy
Chairperson.
Members of the Board of Directors are selected on the basis of their competence and expertise.
At least thirty per cent (30%) of members of the Board of Directors of NAEB must be females.
The term of office of members of the Board of Directors as well as modalities for their
replacement are determined by a Presidential Order”.
Article 22 provides that the Executive Organ of NAEB is composed of the Chief Executive
Officer of NAEB appointed by a Presidental Order. That Order may also appoint his/her deputies
and determine their duties and powers.
Other staff members of NAEB are recruited in
accordance with the internal rules and regulations of NAEB.
Article 25 establishes the organisational structure and job description of NAEB which are
adopted by the Board of Directors. However, within a period of five (5) years from the
commencement of this Law, the organisational structure of NAEB is approved by the Board of
Directors after consulting the Ministry in charge of public service and the Ministry in charge of
finance.
II.2. Structure and Function within OCIR-Café and OCIR-Thé before 1990
II.2.1.Administration organigram/the functioning of OCIR-Café
The administrative structure within OCIR-Café till 1994 was governed by the presidential order
no 303/11 of 19/09/197810. It is obvious that OCIR-Café authority was under the board of
governors composed of 5 people spearheaded by the Chair. They were appointed and revoked by
the President of the Republic under the advisory of the Minister of agriculture, forest and animal
10
OCIR-CAFÉ, Idem, p. 12
23
resources. They have a three years mandate period with possible renewal. The Board of
Administration was entrusted the Director whose duty was the daily management of the
institution. That Director is appointed or revoked by the President of the Republic. There is also
a commissioner of the government whose duty is to control the functioning of the institute. Two
commissioners are entrusted with the financial and patrimony assets11.
The administrative structure within OCIR –Café till 1994 is highlighted in the table below12.
Table: Administrative structure
Services
Sections
Responsile of the post
Direction
General Director
Munyaneza Sylvestre
Studies and programs
Munyankera Pontien
Central secretariat
Musabyimana Berthe
Human Resources
Nshimiyimana Camille
Administrative
and Head of the Service
Financial Service
Nduhungirehe
Chrysostome
Management
Kamuzinzi Guillaume
Procurement Service
Production Service
11
12
Head of the Service
OCIR-CAFÉ, Idem, p. 13
OCIR-CAFÉ, Idem, p. 13
24
Sibomana Andre
Jean
Commercial Service
Coffee production
Masabo Samson
Head of the Service
Kampayana Charles
Licence and Taxation
Turikunkiko Michel
Import /export
Mukakarangwa Odette
Propaganda
Nzindukiyimana Augustin
The full administrative structure is in appendices (appendix 1)
OCIR-Café had the agronomists deployed in zones of coffee high production. We remarked
names of agronomist of 9 zones as appeared on the payment list of June 1993 (urutonde
rw’abahembwa na OCIR-Café, Kamena 1993).
OCIR-Café was working closely with two factories belonging to private entrepreneurs. The
coffee factory of RWANDEX (Rwanda Export Company) was located in Kigali city around 100
m from OCIR headquarters. It is said that OCIR had 49% of shares while the private investors
from UK had 51% of shares. RWANDEX was fitted with internal management autonomy but
OCIR-Café would help it to provide quality assurance and to get an export authorization on
international market. There was an OCIR-Café permanent staff in the Board of Directors. Yet,
the financial and human resources management was in the responsibility of the factory.
RWANDEX had also implanted another factory to make agricultural equipment such as hoes,
machetes, wheelbarrows and the like. It was called SHILLINGTON and located in Gatenga. Its
management was exclusively private and there was no public shares.
There was ETIRU (Etablissement industriel de Ruhengeri) factory which was established by
private investors for coffee export. It was working closely with OCIR-Café because the latter
was delivering export authorization after checking the quality assurance of products. It is not
25
easy to get information related to genocide perpetration within these factories given that their
management was exclusively private and since the genocide broke out, no staff resumed the job.
In this study, information about this staff was not obtained. Besides the management of
personnel, the legal status and the industrial relations of these two factories was far different
from that of OCIR.
There were also two coffee factories under OCIR-Café responsibility. They were entrusted to
process coffee from the harvest to export phase. One was located at Masaka in Kigali and
another at Nkora in Gisenyi. The OCIR-Café used to deploy there very few staff to manage them
because the majority of staff were casual labor staff who were recruited at the harvest period and
they were involved in processing, washing and drying coffee. Because these factories were very
far from the headquarters, we never identified any witness to tell us how the personal
relationship was before and during the genocide; and how genocide was committed in those
factories. There was a factory called RWACOF that was still under construction and the 1994
genocide broke out before it was inaugurated. After genocide, it was privatized.
II.2.2. OCIR-THE Headquarters office
The organization, structure and functioning of OCIR-The are defined by the presidential law No
522/05 of 11/11/1983 establishing the OCIR-The’s organization, structure and functioning13. As
it is described by the OCIR-The organigram14, the OCIR-The is administrated by the board of
five directors among whom there is a chairperson. The chairperson of the board of directors is
nominated by the president of Republic after consulting with the ministry of Agriculture. The
board serves a three years term renewable. The daily activities of the board are bestowed to the
director who is nominated or revoked by the President of the Republic. The director is
backboned by the organs of general secretary, inspection service, and contentious service.
However, the administration services has five departments with eleven sections as detailed in the
table below.
13
OCIR-The, Ibidem, p. 13
14
OCIR-The, Etudes des Schemas directeurs d’informatisation, 1993, p. 8
26
Services
Sections
Responsibles
before
1994
Direction
Finance
and
General Director
Bagaragaza Michel
central Secretariat
Nyamvura Perpetue
Human resource unit
Mariane Mukamanzi
accounting Head of Financial and Kamanzi Callixte
service
Technical services
accounting unit
Finance and treasury
Niwemfura Candide
General accounting
Papias Ndibeshye
Technical
Service Rukaka Assinapol
Director
Production of green leaves
Niyonzima Vincent
Management/Procurement
Gahirima Viateur
unit
Commercial services
Head
of
Commercial Manishimwe Foebe
service
Budget service
Licence and conditioning
Muganza Stany
Exportation
Munyakazi Valere
Head
of
Budget
and Safari Theophile
Budget Control
Budget
Ruvugayimikore Celestin
Budget Control
Uzabakiriho
Jean
Baptiste
For the entire organigram see Appendix 2
II.3. the livelihoods and the relationship between the personnel of OCIR-CAFÉ before
1990
The regime of Kayibanda and PARMEHUTU used to oppress Tutsi publically in media naming
them:Inyenzi (cockroache), inyangarwanda (enemies of Rwanda), gashakabuhake (the proslavery), abarunari(UNAR members), enemies of the country and other stereotyping names. The
27
aforementioned nicknames indicated that Tutsi were enemies of the countries to the extent that
theycould be harassed on job places or in normal life by whoever because the public was already
prepared for that. In 1973, when the regime of Kayibanda was at its end, Tutsi were seriously
oppressed since February till June. There was a move to chase away the Tutsi students or
personnel across the country from public or private sector15. For instance in OCIR16, in early
February 1973, the personnel reported to work in the morning as usual and surprisingly found a
list of Tutsi published in announcement stating that:” whoever finds his or her names on this list
is forbidden to show up in the institution”. Further, to reinforce the decision, the announcement
was put on the Ficus toningii tree at the entrance gate of OCIR office. The reason behind was
that Tutsi were the majority in service while they were a minority ethnic group. In fact it was an
alibi because they were not reduced to the required ethnic quota as it ought to be, but they were
all sacked (interview with 60101).
Even before Tutsi did not enjoy their rights of freedom like any other personnel due to the
stereotyping names such as snakes, enemies of Rwanda, cockroaches and others. This situation
put the Tutsi in the context of perennial fear, and even when there was employment injustice,
they could not complain. The personnel in OCIR who succumbed to the oppression include
RUGAMBA Henry and KAGOYINYONGA Godelive. There were other people who were
involved in oppressing Tuts like BUHAYI Thaddee, head of human resources service. The
reason behind the oppression was on the ground that it was taken for granted that Tutsi did not
have any right, even right to life. At work, they could be harassed anyhow. No personnel were
physically assaulted except the stereotyping names and psychological harassment.
When Habyarimana Juvenal took the power over, in July 1973 he provided a pacifying message
reading: “we categorically reject hatred among Rwandans. What we want is peace and unity of
the country”17.Tutsi only enjoyed a short peaceful time because since 1975 the ethnic quota
policy was implemented. The problem of ethnicity was no longer discussed because of initial
speeches but in reality the problem was still there. Consequently, the war of liberation waged by
RPF Inkotanyi exposed the entire reality to the public.
15
Mugesera Antoine, Imibereho y’Abatutsi mu Rwanda mbere ya 1994, Kigali, 2010
That time OCIR was one unit before restructuring into different units of coffee and tea.
17
Communique yo mu gihe cya coup d’etat yo kuya 5 Nyakanga 1973 yanyuraga kuri radio Rwanda
16
28
II.4. the livelihoods and the relationship between the personnel of OCIR-Café during the
war of liberation (1990-1994)
Since 1st October 1990 after the war waged by RPF broke out, Tutsi were harassed on the ground
that they attacked Rwanda. In the night of 4th towards the morning of 5th October, there happened
a mascarade game in Kigali. The soldiers of the government opened fire the whole nights and the
following morning they declared the state of emergence prohibiting the people to go to the job.
Then, it ensued the arbitrary arrest of Tutsi in Kigali and in other parts of the country on the
ground that Inkotanyi rebels infiltrated in Kigali and that their accomplices had hidden them in
their houses. This was an act to hunt down the accomplices in the Tutsi’s homes. They were
hunted down at service location. There were some Tutsi civil servants who were not arrested
even though they were coming to their jobs daily. In fact there were no clear justifications why
some were arrested and others not.
Since the 1st October 1990 when RPF Inkotanyi waged the liberation war, Tutsi started to be
harassed. Some wrongdoers did it openly and others did it in hidden or in cunning way. At
OCIR-The headquarters, the employees carried out their daily duties as usual. Only two people
were presumed to have complicity with Inkotanyi and they were captured from their homes.
These were Georges Ruterana who was a medical doctor in both OCIR-The and OCIR-Café and
Etienne who was in charge of coffee tasting. They spent three months in a jail. After being
released from the jail, they resumed their jobs in the OCIR and no one was dismissed. The
authorities did not show any behavior of hatred nor persecution against Tutsi. However social
interactions between workers conspicuously changed.
There were some of Bagaragaza’s assistants who encouraged him to fire out the technical
director, Rukaka Assinapol, because he was Tutsi. Bagaragaza strongly protected him saying
that: “Leave my UMUTUTSI he perfectly accomplish his duties”. Nevertheless, in 1994 Rukaka,
his wife and their five children were killed inside the institution. He was badly killed by cutting
into pieces the parts of his body progressively. All of these did not avoid that from October 1990,
29
Tutsi employees of OCIR-Café and OCIR-The were harassed, insulted and undignified in many
and different ways.
II.4.1. Harassment and human degrading
At the end of 1990, Kayinganwa Helene, typewriter, was harassed and undignified at the work.
Since that time her performance evaluation became average whereas before she used to get “very
good” as performance evaluation grade and consequently a ¼ of her salary was cut off while she
had not been given any letter requesting her for explanations or warning in accordance with
legality. This was done by the Director of human resources and the Director of OCIR-Café who
was approving the performance evaluation. The fact that the aforesaid Director did not inquire
the reason behind such poor evaluation was an indicator that there was collusion. In 1991 he
evaluated her poorly but that time one agronomist who was a relative to the Head of Human
Resources asked him ’’why do you always harass a worker with sanctions ultra vires?’’ The
Head of Human Resources service replied: ‘’ In fact, we are under threats of his relatives”. This
insinuates that such harassment actions were carried out on the ground that RPF Inkotanyi waged
war and that all Tutsi were accomplices. They were accused of being enemies of Rwanda.
A civil servant called NYANDEKWE Virginie was the Deputy to the Head of Procurement unit
was given an evaluation note of “satisfaction” and ¼ of her salary was unforeseeably cut off
because yet she used to be hailed of excellent performance. Consequently, she was moved to
another job position even though she remained in the same unit. The purpose was to prevent her
from access to money for fear that she could provide contributions to her relatives Inkotanyi. The
lower marks evaluation was enough for a civil servant who poorly performed his duties. Adding
salary deduction for the same fault was doubling punishment and it was illegal in public service
theory. Besides, combining two punishments are heavier as they are classified in 3rd category
prior to dismissal. This testifies injustices and harassment conducted against Tutsi during the war
of liberation.
30
It was always common to associate a Tutsi civil servant with cunning. For instance, this
happened when KAYIGANWA Helene and NYANDEKWE Virginie made deadly accident on
29/9/1990 while coming back from lunch around 2:00 pm near the OCIR-Café. Being seriously
injured, they came back to OCIR-Cafe to see a medical agent as the institution had a dispensary.
They were treated and given a month of medical leave. They came back end October after RPF
Inkotanyi waged the war of liberation. They found a new socio-political climate full of
suspicions and hatred. Whereas Helene found her office closed and she was almost dismissed,
Virginie’s position was changed. As a matter of fact, it was said that two civil servants pretended
to have made accident while the truth was that they had gone to join RPF Inkotany’s plots in
collaboration with Kajeguhakwa who turned out to have joined RPF Inkotanyi. In addition to
that, there were treated with harassing words that they were enemies of the country.
On 22 October 1990, a civil servant called MUKANTAGANIRA Immaculee was also a head of
central secretariat office got a prompt letter ( N/Ref. 2345/NSH.C/B.K/XIII 16 dated
22/11/1990) changing her job position without prior notice. Notwithstanding, the Director put in
place a new organ called “documentation and archives” operating within the central secretariat
office of which she was assigned to head. This was in contradiction with public service law
prohibiting the demotion of a civil servant to the position lower than the one he/she used to
occupy. However, she remained in the service reporting to the person who newly replaced her.
This was un-dignifying act.
MUKAGASANA Annonciata was a typewriter in the service of license and taxation. She used
to come across the casual labor workers because of the nature of her job. The majority of some
of these casual labor workers got militia training and they turned out to members of CDR
(Coalition pour la Defence de la Republique). They used to insult her publicly that: “snakes,
cockroaches, Inkotanyi, have you seen their cunnings, your relatives waged the war, you are
prepared to get political power”.
MAHINDA Augustin was an agronomist in the area of production service. He used to be
harassed by authorities through service detachment in Cyangugu to serve there since 1992. They
knew that many CDR partisans were from Cyangugu, Bucyana Martin’s hometown, the
President of the party. One year after his detachment he was attacked by non-identified people
31
and he was killed in 1993. It is said that he was killed by INTERAHAMWE from Cyangugu due
to the hatred spread by people that he was linked to RPF Inkotanyi.
II.4.2. Training of perpetrators of genocide
OCIR-Café institution had many young men who got militia trainings. Some civil servants could
abscond from a job in a period beyond one month after which they could come back to service
without any problem. As a result, they had hatred to extreme against Tutsi. RWANGALINDI
Theoneste was a driver who got training from Gabiro training center. After training he came
back with injuries and he testified the successful accomplishment of trainings on how to
eliminate the Tutsi enemies. He said:”now we are commandos and we can eliminate you in a
short period”.
One woman called Beata who was his colleague asked him:” your sayings are dominated by
killing slogans, if you kill me, what would be the cause of that?” Rwangalindi looking at her and
replied: “I cannot kill you but I can look for someone to shoot at you” (testimonies of 60101).
Being absconded in a period beyond one month and come back to their duties without any blame
from the higher authority of the institution was an indicator that they were officially supported
by the institution. They harassed their Tutsi line managers without any sanction. All in all, the
Tutsi to live in the institution during the liberation war was full of constraints because they were
mistreated by their workmates and their leaders.
There was one woman called NYIRAMAHIRWE Madeleine, typewriter, once in public she said:
“I strongly hate Tutsi from my heart”. His colleagues asked her: “you are still young and you do
not know the ex-Tutsi chiefs, why do you hate Tutsi? Even the people whom you are seating
together with are Tutsi, do they disturb you?” She did not find any answer, however, nothing
prevent hatred toward Tutsi from keeping on (testimonies of 60101).
Among master minders were the OCIR-Café Director himself, Neretse Fabien, who had a gun in
his office. Before carrying out his duties, he placed his gun on his office desk. They were many
Interahamwe such as RWANGALINDI, NSHIMIYIMANA Camille, CYANGABWOBA,
32
RUVUGWA Safari, BIZIMANA P. Celestin, ABAYIZIGIRA Gorethi, MAKUZA and etc, who
attended the military trainings. They were many so that their leaders could not be retraced out
because they were working in hidden and confidential places. In fact, The Interahamwe and CDR
partisans were many in OCIR-Café and OCIR-The.
The institutions had many civil servants who obviously had influential power on their workmates
without clear reasons but the institutions knew and supported it. In fact, there was what was
qualified as ‘’akazu k’Abakiga”(influential leaders from the north)
and they were ones to
manage the OCIR-Café and OCIR-The during 1990-1994 period.
There was Bagaragaza Michel, the Director of OCIR-Thé from 1984 to 1994. He appeared to
be the real Director of both OCIRs. All decisions related to genocide planning were made by
him. There was also Neretse Fabien who was the Director of OCIR-Café till 1992 and he was
replaced by Munyaneza Sylvestre.
II.4.3. Immediate preparation of genocide and weapon supply
Some civil servants appeared to hold machetes in the offices since early 1994. The machetes
were brought in the office in high secret. The aim was to hide them from their Tutsi workmates.
But some machetes were poorly hidden under shelves so that they could be seen. CDR partisan,
Safari RUVUGWA, was spotted while he was putting his machete underneath the shelf, and he
was asked why he bought the new machete and brought it at working place instead of taking it
home. He answered: “leave it alone, its function will probably be defined”. They insisted on
requesting him to take it home but he mocked at them and he kept quiet (testimonies no 60101).
They were some confidential meetings which were conducted in OCIR to plan Genocide. ExDirector of OCIR-The had a closed friendship with Ngeze Hassan, chief editor of “KANGURA”
newspaper. The later used to come in early morning in the OCIR director office before other
employees and he stayed there for the whole day and left the office after other employees. There
were other meetings gathering both OCIR employees and external people which took place in the
OCIR compound. The people who came across with him said that KANGURA newspaper was
33
edited in the OCIR. Sometimes Ngeze Hassan arrived in the OCIR and a day after some CDR
announcements encouraging HUTU to hate and to get ready for the Tutsi genocide were
broadcasted in media.
Many civil servants especially part-time employees had been Interahamwe and moreover it was
obvious that they were ready for the Genocide perpetration. Normally, their duties were loading
and unloading the coffee. However, whenever a Tutsi senior manager passed around them, they
could scold and dishonest him as if he/she was a thief in these slogans: ‘’they behave as if
nothing happened whereas they are in the plot to decimate Hutu’’(Testimonies no 60101 and no
60102).
The Tutsi civil servant did not have any value in both OCIR-Cafe and OCIR-The institutions. He
could not be respected for his job position. He had no rights and the perpetrators were ready to
deprive him the fundamental rights to life. It is obvious that the majority of staff was aware of
the plan of the genocide and they were prepared to play a significant role implementing the plan.
(Testimonies no 60101 and no 60105).
II.5. How genocide against Tutsi was perpetrated in OCIR-CAFÉ and OCIR-THE
When the airplane of the ex-president Habyarimana Juvenal was shot down in the night of 6th
April towards 7th April 1994, the genocide perpetration ensued immediately. The following
morning the people get overwhelmed by the situation asking themselves what could end the
killings that had spread across the country. The job stopped and the employees who were living
outside the OCIR-The compound were not reporting to job. Yet the employees who were living
inside the compound started to be attacked by their workmates and militiamen of Gikondo
spearheaded by the Councilor of the Sector.
Since 7th April OCIR-Café & OCIR-The institutions were surrounded by many soldiers to the
extent that no Tutsi could get outside. Attacks of non-identified people started to be organized
against Tutsi inside the compound. They were coming inside houses and checking up, requesting
34
for money and beating each and every Tutsi. However, they were sparing houses of non-Tutsi as
they had friendship with them. For instance they were dialoguing quietly with Safari Theophile,
Uzabakiriho Jean Baptiste, Papias and others (testimony no 60104).
When the Tutsi remarked that attacks were intensified, they took refuge to the floor offices of the
directors of both OCIR-Café & OCIR-The hoping that they could save their life. On the contrary,
on 12/4/1994, they were attacked by many militiamen determined to decimate them. They
arrived around 9h00 and met them in the house to the floor, dispersed them and they took
different orientations as a way of rescuing themselves but in vain because militiamen were many
and they knew very well their houses. The majority of perpetrators were casual labor employees.
The same day, they harassed, beat them and took by force their property and went away. The
following day on 13th April 1994, militiamen maintained their movement around but did not kill
them. On 14th April 1994, many militiamen arrived around 8h00 am, got each and every one out
of houses and rounded them in the field next to the main entrance gate of the OCIR Compound.
Come NSHIMYUMUKIZA who was a cashier was taken to his office and was requested to give
them money. After giving them money, they get him outside and killed him. Others were loaded
in minibus of OCIR and after removing the seats, they made them sit down. In order load many
people, they were ordered to sit down crossing legs each other and they brought them at
Gatenga/Kicukiro cemetery and killed them.
In that cemetery, there was a mass grave that was dug by a machine and one could make out that
it had been prepared as way getting rid of bodies killed in the genocide. They brought them there
several times as the victims were many. After rounding them there, they started to kill them
using all types of weapons. There were many soldiers and gendarmes shooting people. The staff
that had been given machetes was using them to kill Tutsi. Other militiamen were killing using
swords, spears, batons, machetes and the like.
There were barbaric acts of torture including physically aborting women who were in last terms
of pregnancy. For instance Shyirahayo Augustin’s wife called Nyirabagande Esperance was
physically aborted and the perpetrators wanted to feed her the flesh of the baby aborted. There
were small children whom they stabbed with swords and others were physically split from legs
to the head. There were also acts of raping the women inside the compound before they brought
35
them to Gatenga cemetery. Two women and one lady were said to have been raped. One of them
was brought to the cemetery unclothed. In the road, they ordered her raise up her arms or to cross
them on the head. On the road, they asked the public to look on the nakedness of Tutsi women.
After killing her, they came back praising themselves on how they put her in agony till she died
(testimony no 60104). After killing them, they were thrown in the mass grave that had been dug
in the cemetery.
There were other staff who died in different parts in their homes or in places where they had
taken refuge. Only 34 staff and their relatives were living in compounds of the factories and 51
were living outside the compound. In total were able to identify 85 people.
The OCIR-Café and OCIR-The administration as genocide master minder played a big role to
implement the Tutsi- genocide in the factory as follows:
1. Plan meeting with famous people recognized for their role of master minding the plan
and execution such as Ngeze Hassan who frequently conducted meetings and did his
daily duties as chief editor of Kagura newspaper which sensitized and encourage Hutus to
conduct Tutsi-Genocide
2. The OCIR-Café managers supported all Genocide activities. They did not even barn or
warn the abnormal behavior that Interahamwe manifested during their daily activities.
They were authorizing monthly leave to the personal to attending para-military trainings
or CDR demonstrations.
3. The administration did not punish the Interahamwe’s bad behavior (terrorism, insulting,
possessing guns at the OCIR-Cafe offices, not respecting their line managers and so on )
that had become a culture at OCIR.
4. There were others who used to attend the evening trainings to operate guns and to use
knives and other weapons. For instance, there was one person called Eustache who used
to say that after work they had to meet soldiers for the gun operation trainings in which
some high ranked political and military leaders came to over supervise. He said: ‘’to be
truthful, get ready to flee otherwise we will kill you’’ (testimonies no 60105)
36
5. The management of factories never sanctioned the misconducts of militiamen such as
insults, insubordination over their line managers, keeping weapons in offices, threatening
other staff etc.
Special case of Bagaragaza Michel
Bagaragaza Michel was the General Director of OCIR-The during the liberation war and the
1994 genocide perpetrated against Tutsi. To make understand his role in genocide, one must
understand the exorbitant powers he exercised in the positon of administration18. Bagaragaza
Michel was born in Bushiru in 1945, in Giciye Commune, Gisenyi Prefecture. During the
genocide, he was heading 10 tea factories with powers exercised over 55,000 employees.
Factories were important as they were sources of foreign currencies. He was the vice President of
Banque continentale Africaine in Rwanda (BACAR) in addition to being one of the members of
prefectoral MRND committee in the Gisenyi Prefecture. The MRND committee established
Interahamwe militia in that area. Bagaragaza was one of the members of the clique “Akazu”, the
inner house members with exorbitant political powers with upper hands on the state resources on
which the president Habyarimana and other people originating from Ubushiru, Gisenyi and
Ruhengeri were enjoying.
Bagaragaza Michel surrendered himself to International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR)
on 15th August 2005. He appeared to the court on the first time on 16th August 2009 and rejected
all accusations. On 17/8/2009, he pleaded guilty and accepted to cooperate with the court 19. The
court verdict was passed against him on 17/11/2009 in relation to his being guilty of complicity
in genocide. He was sentenced 8 years of imprisonment. On 1/12/2011, he was provisionally
released. The case of Bagaragaza in Arusha confirmed that he had been involved in the genocide
18
ICTR, The Prosecutor versus Michel Bagaragaza. Case No. ICTR-05-86-S , 2009, p. 6
ICTR, idem, p. 5. Joint Motion for Consideration of a Guilty Plea. Agreement between
Michel Bagaragaza and the Office of the Prosecutor (confidential), filed on 14 April 2008. The
decision act of pleading guilty and accepting to cooperate with the court came out on 17/8/2009.
19
37
perpetrated against Tutsi in 1994. Besides, he pleaded guilty of his decisions and acts that led to
genocide in the Commune where he was living20.
On 8th April 1994, he attended a meeting chaired by the Bourgmestre and his deputy aiming to
plan the decimation of Tutsi who had taken refuge at the Kesho hill, near the factories of Rubaya
and Nyabihu and at Nyundo Cathedral near the factory of Pfunda. He confirmed that the Deputy
Bourgmestre Kuradusenge Thomas was heading the acts of genocide perpetration.
He provided the cars and fuels from the factories to facilitate the transportation of the civil
militia Interahamwe to perpetrate genocide. The majority of killers among the civil militia
Interahamwe were employees from the factories. Though these employees continued to be
involved in genocide, they were not removed from salary payment list.
He confirmed that, as it was on the request of the ex-chief of staff army Deogratias Nsabimana in
1993, that the factories of Nyabihu and Rubaya were arsenal of all types of weapons used in the
genocide such machetes, firearms. He kept on supervising the massacres and he met several
times with Kuradusenge between 9th and 13th April 1994. He requested him to offer a motivation
fees to civil militia Interahamwe to continue the massacres in Gisenyi area. He turned out to have
provided a huge amount of money to buy beer for them.
The factories of Rubaya, Nyabihu and Pfunda had a significant role in act of planning and
executing the genocide perpetrated against Tutsi because its leading senior authorities were
involved and they did this at regional level. The employees were involved to execute the
program planned by their leading authorities.
In fact, in the OCIR-Café and OCIR-The the genocide perpetration was carried out publicly.
People to be killed were taken live from the factory to the place they were tortured and killed.
After killing them, their bodies were thrown in the organized mass grave. The OCIR-Cafe and
OCIR-The’s civil servants are the ones who killed their workmates or they made them be killed
20
ICTR, The prosecutor versus Michel Bagaragaza. Case No ICTR-05-86-S. judgement and
sentence, 2009, p. 8
38
with accomplices with Interahamwe. Below is the table indicating a list of the most popular staff
that spearheaded the genocide perpetration of their colleagues
1
RwangarindeTheonas
OCIR-Café Driver
2
Cyangabwoba J. Baptiste
He was an office messenger in
OCIR-Cafe
3
Makuza
Cleaner in OCIR-Cafe
4
NdibeshyePapias
Accountant in OCIR-The
5
Safari Theophile
The head of service in OCIRThe
6
Safari Theophile’s wife called Domithila
She
was
a
Student
at
Mburabuturo in Law faculty
during Genocide period
7
Uzabakiriho J. Baptiste
Inspection Officer in OCIRTHE
8
Cansilde’s husband called
GahirimaViateur Procurement unit in OCIR-
who was a nurse
THE
The above listed people were popular due to their post occupations. They were other
part-time workers who were strongly involved in Genocide but they are not known as no
one had mentioned their names. The part time workers were many to carry out the
activities related to the luggage loading and unloading which used to be needed in the
39
both OCIR-Café and OCIR-The. Since both institutions were closer, The OCIR-The
director was strongly involved in Genocide perpetration in different places across the
country and he would be considered among leaders who played a big role in Genocide
perpetration in both institutions.
No employees were killed inside OCIR, from the OCIR-Thé they were transported in a big car
to Gatenga cemetery where they had been killed. Except household keepers, no one else was
killed inside institution.
II.6. Relationship and livelihood of the employees after genocide
Few days after genocide perpetration and the establishment of Government of unity, OCIR-The
and OCIR–Café directly resumed their activities as other services like elsewhere in the country.
The available former employees came to make institutions operational. Among them, they were
very few genocide survivors and other who had been involved in genocide but they were
confident that no one will figure out what they had done during genocide. Some other civil
servants were newly recruited from outside the OCIR.
In general, the livelihood of the employees was very difficult. The acquainted people knew from
each other their behavior before genocide. They were some with INTERAHAMWE behavior
before genocide. There were some news about their behavior which were traced progressively
out. Whereas Tutsi considered Hutu as a murder, Hutu were afraid Tutsi’s retaliation. In general,
those individual prejudices are the ones that created suspicious climate between employees.
Everyone was ready to receive any oral or offensive behavior from his/her workmate. There was
no safety at job.
There were even some people who got trauma due to what they experienced during the genocide
perpetration. Other quitted the job for good for fear to meet every day with people who knew that
they had committed genocide. There were others who quitted job for good once they heard
40
people revealed their involvement in genocide perpetration. For instance, HATEGEKIMANA
Faustin, chief of part time workers quitted the job for good. Many employees were not sure of
their future. There were other newly recruited staffs who were busy enjoying the liberation
victory and were not aware of what was going on the other side. However, there were others who
decided to bear up and to ignore whatever had happened to them.
That period was very hard and characterized by accusing each other. Whenever perpetrators of
genocide met with the victim survivors, the latter got angry as they wanted to get information
about their involvement in the genocide perpetration. The reason behind was that a great deal
number of the presumed guilty of genocide were not yet arrested and were occupying their
previous posts. Some of them quitted their jobs for good. Given that this institution had many
militiamen, those who disappeared from their jobs were many and some of them fled the country
(testimonies no 60101).
Progressively, the climate of mistrust disappeared till they had good relationship. In particular,
after Gacaca people were trained about the culture of tolerance and to tell the truth in order to
recover peaceful relationships. Even though these initiatives were conducted outside, they had
positive spillover on the institution. The act of genocide commemoration had a significant role in
restoring good relationship among people. This led to a situation where it was obvious that staff
were on good terms, specifically between 2007 and 2008 when special organization of
commemoration started in these institutions. People could invite each other and share almost
everything: those who were sick could be visited at hospitals, those who gave birth could receive
special social visits. For the time being, there is a good social relationship among the staff.
II.7. Genocide commemoration in OCIR-Café
The act of genocide commemoration are highlighted in two ways: (1) to commemorate in the
former OCIR-Café and OCIR-Thé and (2) to commemorate in NAEB.
41
II.7.1. Commemoration in OCIR-Thé and OCIR-Café
The act of genocide Commemoration at the ex-OCIR-Café was collective at residential
places.The act was institutionalized since 2008. Initially, the attendance of the civil servants was
not high. Some had in their mind that they were not concerned thinking that it was only for
genocide survivors. Others thought it was for Tutsi and the others joined as a whitewash act.
Progressively, as the act of commemoration was yearly carried out, there was a significant
mindset change on the side of the civil servants. This was due to the effort of the administration
made through sensitizing and explaining the significance of commemorating the genocide. It was
re-dignifying them and blaming perpetrators while enforcing measures to prevent genocide
perpetration.
The administration reserved one day for commemoration out of one hundred days of
commemoration period. The administration invited all civil servants, and all organizations whose
missions are commemoration such as Ibuka, FARG, CNLG, and guest speakers on genocide.
The following year in 2009, there was a night to commemorate the ex-civil servants of OCIRThé
perished in the genocide and to narrate the history of barbaric acts in this institution.
Besides, they carried out a fieldwork trip at Gisozi memorial site to experience how genocide
perpetrated against Tutsi was executed with intensity of extreme sadism. The trip ended in
collecting the support from staff and administration to the memorial site.
In 2010, there was an effective commemoration event because during the night of
commemoration there were testimonies about genocide perpetration within OCIR-Café that were
delivered by Jeannette Byukusenge, a child of SHYIRAHAYO Augustin an ex-civil servant
who was living in the OCIR-Café compound. There was also an exhibition of photos of civil
servants of ex-OCIR-Café. Before starting the commemoration event, the civil servants went at
Nyanza/Kicukiro to pay tributes to the people buried in the genocide memorial site.
42
II.7.2. Commemoration in NAEB
Since 2011 agriculture and commercialization of farm products are managed by National
Agricultural Export Development Board (NAEB). The latter combined the missions of the
former OCIR-Thé, OCIR-Café and the mission of the former RHODA21. Genocide
commemoration is organized every year and it has a positive impact to value the victims of
genocide, to support the survivors and the offspring of the victims.
In 2014, there was an important achievement of building the genocide memorial site in NAEB in
the framework to commemorate the ex-civil servants of OCIR-Thé and OCIR-Café. It was
inaugurated on 26/6/2014. All names of the former OCIR-Café, OCIR-Thé civil servants and
other civil servants from different tea factories around the country were collected and written
down.
Photo: Public relations NAEB
The commemoration activities of the former OCIR-Café and OCIR-Thé were maintained and
both NAEB staff and administration were supporting the genocide survivors in general and the
survivors from the ex-civil servant families in particular.
II.8. Achievement of NAEB in supporting the families of the former staff survivors of the
genocide- former staff of OCIR-Thé and OCIR-Café
21
Law Nº 13/2017 of 14/04/2017 establishing National Agricultural Export Development Board (NAEB) and
determining its mission, organisation and functioning in Official Gazette No 18 of 1/5/2017 repealing law
N°39/2010 of 25/11/2010 establishing National Agricultural Export Development Board (NAEB) and determining
its responsibilities, organisation and functioning in Official Gazette No 4 of 24/1/2011.
43
The activities of supporting the families of the OCIR-Café ex-civil servants, survivors of the
genocide were carried out in different ways:
•
In 2013 a house was given to two children namely Jeannette BYUKUSENGE and her
young sister Grace MUSHIMIYIMANA. The children belonged to Augustin
SHYIRAHAYO who was working in the unit of inspection. The house was built in a plot
given by the government and it was inaugurated in 2013.
•
In 2015, the house of a child called UWASE Alice daughter of NDOLI Vivens, an exdriver in OCIR-Café was rehabilitated. The house was in bad conditions, was improved
and equipped. They provided to her the cow shad and a pregnant cow of the improved
race.
Photo: Public relations NAEB
•
In 2016, a child called Grace MUSHIMIYIMANA was given a professional training as
she had graduated from tertiary education as accountant. She has now a job contract with
NAEB.
•
In 2016, NAEB rehabilitated a house of Immaculee a daughter Uwineza Euphrasie, who
was secretary in OCIR-Café. It was improved and put again into habitable conditions.
To enable the above activities achievement, there was a collaboration between staff and the
institution in fund collection. This is to corroborate that NAEB as institution in collaboration
with managers and employees showed love and sympathy towards orphans of its ex-civil
servants through approaching them, soothing them and showing them a parenthood love. As a
result, the orphans keep up with having a self-reliance for the future.
44
III. GENOCIDE PERPETRATION IN TEA FACTORIES
This chapter set out by addressing the historical background of tea plantation and establishment
of factories across the country, the structure and functioning of those factories, the staff
relationship across the country before 1990, during the liberation war, during the genocide and
genocide commemoration and the period afterwards.
III.1. Tea Plantation History in Rwanda
The tea plantation began in Rwanda in 1952. It started in high altitude mountains which varied
between the elevation of 1900 and 2500 meters22. Nevertheless, the first tea factory was
established in Rwanda in 1960 at Mulindi in Byumba Prefecture. Later on, the tea plantation
was intensified and consequently it was planted in many high altitude mountains all over the
country which were favourable for the tea plantations. Till 1994, there were 10 tea factories in
Rwanda. The following table shows their respective year of establishment.
Tea Factory
1.Mulindi
199124
The period of
(District,
Factory
privatization25
Sector)
Personnel
Construct
Location
ion year
1960
199123 areas
Gicumbi-
1,738 ha
163
2012
Kaniga2.Shagasha
1963
Rusizi-Giheke
1,436 ha
80
2012
3.Gisakura
1965
Nyamasheke-
1,147 ha
73
2010
810 ha
72
2004
Bushekeri
4.Pfunda
1965
Rubavu-
22
NAEB website/tea sub-sector strategy/p. 1 consulted on 4th July 2017.
Office du Thé, Rapport annuel 1991, Kigali, 1991, p. 3-5
24
Office du Thé, idem, p.18-19. These are permanent staff among which there were employees under public service
statutes and under contract terms. There are also casual labour workers.
25
NAEB website, tea sub-sector, in www.naeb.gov.rw consulted on 20th June 2017
23
45
Nyundo5.Sorwathe
1966
Rulindo-
829 ha
84
2003
957 ha
75
2009
990 ha
54
2010
966 ha
76
2006
660 ha
82
2006
1,149 ha
55
2011
Kinihira
6.Kitabi
1968
NyamagabeKitabi-
7.Mata
1973
NyaruguruMata-
8.Rubaya
1974
NgororeroMuhanda
9.Nyabihu
1974
NyabihuKarago
10.Gisovu
1977
KarongiTwumba
Legally, since 1962 the tea agricultural and trading activities were under the Office des cafes
indigenes du Rwanda-Urundi (OCIRU)26 when both Rwanda and Burundi were governed by
orders No115/R and 116/ B on 22/06 1962 stipulating the OCIRU working policy after the
independence of Rwanda and Burundi.
The law reaffirmed and broadened the OCIRU responsibilities and was beyond the promotion of
coffee plantation and trading but also was extended to other cash exportation products
(Pyrethrum, Cinchona and Tea) that required special treatment for their intrinsic quality.
After the Rwanda – Burundi separation, all cash agricultural products, tea inclusive, were
controlled by “Office des Cultures Industriellles du Rwanda (OCIR)” established under ordinary
law of 30/07/1964.
26
NAEB website/tea sub-sector strategy/p. 1
Office du Thé, Rapport annuel 1991, Kigali, 1991, p. 3-5
3
Office du Thé, idem, p.18-19. These are permanent staff among which there employees under
public service statutes and under contract terms. There are also casual labour workers.
2
46
In 1974, presidential order No 48/12 of 1/1/1974 established within OCIR-Thé
special
department in charge of the Tea.
In 1978, the law decree No 27/78 of 5/9/1978 separated the OCIR-Cafe and OCIR-Thé and
clarified their respective responsibilities. Furthermore, the aforesaid law decree established also
the OPYRWA with special duties on Pyrethrum promotion.
The law decree No 26/78 of 5/9/1978 established the Tea department whereas the presidential
order No 522/05 of 11/11/1983 established the “OCIR-Th锑s mission and its functional
structure. The tea department was in charge of monitoring the tea agricultural activities, tea
factories and tea trading at national and international levels27.
Since 2011, the agricultural activities of tea, its production and commercialization are managed
by NAEB28. This study on the genocide perpetrated against Tutsi in tea factories will concentrate
on 10 factories that had existed before 1994.
27
OCIR-The, Etude des schémas directeurs d’informatisation, 1993, p. 7
law N°39/2010 of 25/11/2010 establishing National Agricultural Export Development Board (NAEB) and
determining its responsibilities, organisation and functioning in Official Gazette No 4 of 24/1/2011.
28
47
Figure 1: map of Rwanda showing location of tea factories.
If you consider meetings held in different periods you come to notice that directors of factories
were appointed in positions as a strategy of planning the genocide. I refer to the meeting held on
29/5/1984, after the appointment of Bagaragaraza to manage OCIR-Thé, the meeting of
20/11/1990 along with the Directors in job positions in April 1994.
The factory name
May 1984
November 1990
April 1994
Mata
Mivumbi Jean
Mivumbi Jean
Ndabarinze Juvenal
Kitabi
Kamodoka Denys
Kamodoka Denys
Kamodoka Denys
Gisovu
Rutayisire Alphonse
Musema Alfred
Musema Alfred
Gisakura
Bazambanza J. B.
Mubiligi Anathole
Mubiligi Anathole
Shagasha
Mubiligi Anathole
Nsabimana Callixte
Nsabimana Callixte
Pfunda
Mukarage Celestin
Munyeshuri
Munyeshuri
Innocent
Innocent
Nyabihu
Rwambonera E.
Gasongero Justin
Gasongero Justin
Rubaya
Niyonzima Vincent
Ndabarinze Juvenal
Jaribu Anastase
SORWATHE
Gasongero Justin
Nyirinkwaya
_
Mulindi
Ndabarinze Juvenal
Jaribu Anastase
Mivumbi
Jean
Claude (1991-1993)
III.2. the structure and functioning of services within tea factories
The structure and functioning of services within all factories were almost similar. In each
factory, there were daily activities and their responsible agents. However, a factory could have
48
many or few employees depending on the size of tea plantation and the factory. Consequently,
all factories had the same organigram but the number of employees differed as highlighted in the
previous table showing the number of employees in 1991 in ten factories.
With regard to the daily activities in each factory: there was a Director of the factory appointed
by the president of the Republic. The supporting services were central secretariat and the service
of auditing and mediation unit. There were five subsidiary services namely: finance accounting
unit in charge of finance and accounting, plantation unit in charge of tea agricultural activities
related to tea plantation and harvesting and other agricultural equipment. Maintenance services
were in charge of maintaining tea factory machinery and garage and other mechanical service.
Tea making service was in charge of all tea processing activities in the factory, packaging and
supplying tea to the market. Budget and budget control unit were in charge of preparing the
budget and auditing29. The organigram is found in the table in appendix 2.
III.3. Genocide perpetration in Mata Factory
This section will highlight the livelihoods and relationship among the personnel of Mata tea
factory before 1990, during the liberation war, how genocide was committed along with
genocide commemoration and supporting survivors of genocide and families victims of
genocide.
III.3.1. Livelihoods and relationship among the personnel of Mata tea factory before 1990
Before 1990, there was good relationship among the staff of Mata tea factory. There was no
signs nor ethnic segregation based climate in the factory. However, the testimonial tellers
reminded that in 1973 there was violence and illegal dismissal of the civil servants in public
administration and even in most institution of private sector across the country, the Mata tea
factory inclusive.
29
OCIR-The, étude des schémas directeurs d’informatisation, p.10-20
49
Before 1990, no Tutsi civil servant was beaten nor harassed in public. However, Tutsi were
obviously behaving prudently in different tea factories because they were aware that they did not
have equal rights with their fellow Hutu workers. In some tea factories there were acts of
harassing Tutsi, but this was done cunningly. This was relatively varying from a director to
another.
For instance, in Mata tea factory there was usually an unclear ethnic segregation because no
Tutsi could find a job without an informal supporter. There was a director general, MIVUMBI
Jean Claude, from Cyangugu who was not ethnically oriented. Yet, his subordinates were
ethnically oriented and they used to harass their fellow workers.
For instance, there was one person Ndayisaba Callixte (Alias NKUBA) who used to say that
Tutsi were cunning and not trustful people. There were some directors who manifested always
unjustified hatred against Tutsi. For instance, it was testified that an agronomist Murangira
dismissed an employee called Mukandinda Cassilde on the ground that there was no more a job
for Tutsi in Mata factory. He did it publically (Interview informant no 60202)
III.3.2. Livelihoods and relationship among the staff during the liberation war (1990-1994).
Since the RPA troops waged the war of liberation, Tutsi were harassed across the country. Some
wrongdoers did it conspicuously and others did it in hidden or in cunning way. In different
factories across the country, there were arrests of accomplices, insulting, beating, harassing and
degrading Tutsi between 1990 and 1994.
In Mata tea factory located in Rwamiko/Gikongoro few Tutsi were jailed as a result of being
accomplices. In the whole Gikongoro Prefecture very few Tutsi were jailed on the ground that
they were accomplice. Nyabyenda Boniface, the former Gikongoro prefet was not supportive of
the idea to jail Tutsi on the ground that it could expose the State responsibility for international
wrongful acts. Nevertheless, he requested the government to establish a clear plan to solve Tutsi
problems. In other words, he was requesting a permission from the government to decimate
Tutsi.
50
The social interaction between employees in Mata tea factory changed since the liberation war.
Director of the factory, Ndabarinze Juvenal brought 15 young men- some were retired soldiers
and others civilians-, and he said that they were security agents. They were deployed at the
entrance gate of the factory. They were in charge of checking all persons including tea
employees before entering into the tea factory. They were checking Tutsi with great attention for
fear that they could get in the factory with grenades.
That militia group was called Rugara. This was a group of Interahamwe militia that was being
deployed across the country to identify the Tutsi to decimate during the genocide. This was
corroborated by Rakia Omar and Alison Desforges that the regime of Habyarimana dispatched
youth in different factories to guard the security but in reality it was a strategy of planning
genocide through deploying the interahamwe militiamen across the country30.
They caused an ethnic segregation climate. While checking people tirelessly, they used to
persecute Tutsi. Hutu and Tutsi started to separate from each other.
In canteen, while Hutu were engaged together talking, they could suddenly stop their discussions
once they had realized a Tutsi approaching. Likewise, the Tutsi could do the same. In the factory,
there was a common slogan saying that Tutsi waged the war which will reach nowhere, a speech
that sowed worsened hatred between Tutsi and Hutu.
In 1992, Ndabarinze Juvenal dismissed a driver, Murangira John, saying that there was no job for
Tutsi. Tutsi in the factory could not get job promotion as others. They stayed on their posts for
long. Joseph Rurangwa, a deputy accountant, was harassed. Director used to prevent him from
information related to his daily duties. He could sometimes miss the meetings because he was
not informed. This was considered an act of un-dignifying a person in his career (testimonies no
60206).
30
Human rights watch and FILDH, Aucun temoin ne doit survivre. Le genocide au Rwanda, Paris , Karthala, 1999,
p. 358. “Dans les mois qui precederent le genocide, les commendants de la gendarmerie de Butare et de Gikongoro
envoyerent de petits detachements dans plusieurs lieux autour de la prefecture… Un autre detachement avait ete
envoye a l’usine de the de Mata dans la commune de Rwamiko et un autre, sous les ordres du Sous-Prefet a
Munini.”
Rakia Omar, witness to genocide, 1999, issue No 10. She talks about the role played by Mata tea factory in the
region of Sous-Prefecture Munini. She mentioned a militia group deployed in Mata tea factory called Rugara meant
to guarantee security.
51
During the period of 1991-1994, the employees were encouraged to hate and persecute Tutsi.
All Tutsi were collectively insulted in public by the Director Ndabarinze Juvenal, Ndayisaba
Callixte, the Deputy Director and a group of security agents. Once they wanted to call a Tutsi,
they could say “hey, come here Gatutsi”. They kept on insulting Tutsi in public and they were
not punished. The security agents were using maces at patrol. They planned time for paramilitary
trainings at tea factory football playground.
During the war of liberation there was acts of planning genocide and they consisted of separating
Tutsi from Hutu in that they could not co-habit (polarization), to prepare list of the targeted
people, to create and to train a militia that would be used in killings.
III.3.3. The commission of Genocide against Tutsi in Mata factory during 1994
The genocide in the factory of Mata was written in studies of different researchers who in
common concluded the role of the factory and its Director Ndabarinze Juvenal in organizing and
implementing the plan of genocide31. Various researchers and academia conducted many
researches on the acts of genocide in the Mata factory. The common results showed the role of
the factory and its director Ndabarinze Juvenal in organizing and implementing the plan of
genocide32.
Since the morning of 7th April 1994 killings started in the region of Gikongoro where the factory
is located. Rwamiko and Mudasomwa were some communes in which killings started at the
prefecture level.
The book of HRW&FILDH reads the following testimonies: “attacks in Gikongoro began on 7th
and 8th April 1994 from three different centers. Two operations were carried out in the south,
31
Human right watch and FILDH, Aucun temoin ne doit survivre. Le genocide au Rwanda, Paris
Kathala, 1999, p 355-400. African Rights, witness to genocide, 1999, issue 10. Urubanza rwa
Colonel Simba Aloys Arusha. The Prosecutor versus Aloys Simba. Case No ICTR-01-76-T
32
Human right watch and FILDH, Aucun temoin ne doit survivre. Le genocide au Rwanda, Paris
Kathala, 1999, p 355-400. African Rights, witness to genocide, 1999, issue 10. Urubanza rwa
Colonel Simba Aloys Arusha. The Prosecutor versus Aloys Simba. Case No ICTR-01-76-T
52
one in Rwamiko Commune, an area under the direct supervision of Biniga and another in the
neighboring commune of Mudasomwa. The tea factories prevailed the political and economic
life in the area. The Directors of both factories namely Denis Kamodoka, Kitabi tea FactoryMudasomwa commune - and Juvenal Ndabarinze, Mata tea Factory- Rwamiko communeoriginated from the North. It is their employees whose majority were supporters of MRND and
CDR who launched the first attacks with the support from local leaders33”
This area was dwelt by many Tutsi. The killings took places in many sites and the employees of
the factories played a significant roles in those killings. Meetings were held at factories’
premises. Weapons that were used in killings were stored at factories’ premises. Factories’ cars
were transporting killers in different places. Ndabarinze Juvenal, the Director of the Factory was
paying motivation fees to the killers in addition to supervising if the targeted people were all
decimated. He had already established a list of Tutsi to identify those who were to be killed.
The spearheads in leading killings include Sous-Prefet Biniga who was collaborating closely
with Mugerangabo Silas, the Bourgmestre of Rwamiko and Ndabarinze Juvenal, the Mata Tea
Factory Director. In the morning of 7th April 1994, Biniga arrived at Rwamiko in the factory of
Mata escorted by many soldiers and gendarmes. He chaired the first meeting among many
meetings that took place there whose aim was to organize the plan of genocide in the Munini
Sous Prefecture34.
Immediately killings broke out. The survivors took refuge in different places including Kibeho
and Cyahinda parishes, others went in Huye hills (ibisi bya Huye), others went at Runyinya
Commune office in Karama. In every place, killers followed them there in different dates. Since
7th April 1994, factory services were suspended. Staff were busy in killings and Tutsi were being
hunted down.
Many staff of the factory were killed in genocide. Other people from different places who had
taken refuge there were killed in tea plantations fields and thrown out in the mass grave. To
identify them is not easy because the killers do not provide testimonials. Killers were using all
33
Humanright watch and FILDH, Aucun temoin ne doit survivre. Le genocide au Rwanda, Paris,
Karthala, 1999, p.364
34
African rights, witness to genocide, 1999, issue 10,
53
types of weapons including fire weapons, grenades and traditional weapons such as machetes,
maces, small hoes, etc. There was a huge store of machetes in the factory. At the initial period of
the genocide, leaders distributed them to militiamen Interahamwe to kill Tutsi. In that location,
there are 244 people killed in genocide and they were scripted on genocide memorial site.
Among them, 68 were former staff of the factory (see the list with names annexed).
The leaders of killings
Even though their number is not identified, many staff were involved in genocide perpetration.
The following is list highlights names of staff who spearheaded killings:
Ndabarinze Juvenal, was the Director of the Factory
Callixte Ndayisaba was Tea Maker
Nzayisenga was chief of tea plantation of the factory, he was jailed and later
on released.
Bazakare was a civil servant in Mata factory
Bazakare Ildephonse is still in prison at Karubanda
Julien Butoya, was plumber and he is now in prison of Nyamagabe
Bunyogote, a civil servant from Mulindi Tea Factory
Kasha, a civil servant from Mulindi Tea Factory
Bwanashamba, a civil servant from Mulindi Tea Factory
Ngarambe, his whereabouts are not known but people think that he is in
Congo
Gakumba, he died and had had a weapon
Nkurikiyinka Vianney, he lives in his native place in Mata
Munyaneza, he lives in Ruhango
Higiro, he is mechanic in Nyamagabe
54
Ngirente he was in the militia group known as Rugara, his whereabouts are
not known
Mbarubucyeye alias Mayaya, his whereabouts are not known
Cendeli, his whereabouts are not known
Murangira he died
Munonga, he died
Butoyi Julien, he is in prison and he pleaded guilty,
Budara, he spent a long time in prison but Gacaca released him
Bakundukize in prison of Mpanga in Nyanza
Lumumba, he in prison at Karubanda
Meetings to plan killings
The killings in Nyaruguru District was committed through the collaboration of different
institutions among which the administration of Sous Prefet BINIGA Damien, the Director of
Mata Tea factory, Ndabarize Juvenal, the Bourgmester of Rwamiko, Murengerangabo Silas and
Gendarmerie and military leadership. In particular, the tea factory became a stronghold of
genocide perpetration in that area. It was a place of meetings planning genocide
On 7th April at 7h00 am, there was a meeting chaired by Biniga, Ndabarinze and Mugerangabo.
It was held on the ground of tea factory and the main message passed was that there were Tutsi
who had sent children to join Inkotanyi and who had been holding secret meetings. These people
had to be monitored tightly. Kamodoka Denys, the Director of Kitabi Tea Factory, Musema, the
Director of Gisovu Tea Factory, Callixte, the Director of Shagasha Tea Factory held a meeting in
which they said that the enemy was Tutsi because following the fall of Cyanika, Rusumo and
Kagitumba borders in the hands of RPF they were not able to make tea product exportation in
April 1994.
55
The Role of the Factory
The role of Mata tea factory in preparing and executing the plan of genocide, in the area where
the factory was located, was significant and direct. Ndabarinze Juvenal, the Director of the
factory was providing cars of the factory to transport civil militia Interahamwe. The Director was
giving motivation fees from the factory finances to the people who had accomplished the acts of
killing. He ordered killers to present the parts of the body of a victim to ensure that he had died.
Some could bring head of killed person as an evidence to convince him. Meetings were jointly
held among the leaders of factories and other governmental institutions to organize the plan of
genocide. He stored weapons that were used in genocide perpetration inside the factories. The
factory staff spearheaded the killings in attacks that wiped out people in Kibeho, Munini, Huye
hills known as Ibisi bya Huye, Cyahinda and Karama in Runyinya Commune. They were
transported in vehicles of the factory and were paid as personnel on duties and they were aware
that they had full support of their Director. He was rewarding them with beer after killing.
Ndabarinze Juvenal used himself to go to Kitabi to request an intervention of the population
killers from Mudasomwa on the ground that they were fearless.
Disappearing evidences and Acts of torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading
Treatment
Many Tutsi after being killed were thrown out in the mass grave behind the factory. After the
genocide, they were buried in dignity. Other people killed outside the factory and others killed in
the tea factory plantations were also thrown in that mass grave.
They could sometimes present to the Director heads of targeted people killed as an evidence of
act accomplishment. There was a man called Musoni Muvunyi who was not an employee of the
factory but he was killed by tea factory employees. Among the employee killers we mention
Ngarambe. They exploded grenade against him and he did not die immediately. They hit him
with machete; he did not die immediately but his leg was cut off and finally they threw him in
the toilet (testimonies 60206).
56
III.3.4. Genocide Commemoration and supporting the families of the ex-staff, survivors of
the genocide
The Mata Tea Factory has a specific day to commemorate victims of the genocide, exemployees. They have a specific day agreed upon with district authorities on which people
deliver their testimonies. All employees and local government authorities participate. They
started to have a specific day for commemoration since 2012. The genocide memorial site was
built in 2016. They especially commemorate Tutsi former employees who had been killed during
the genocide. 244 names former employees of the factory and former tea plantation workers are
scripted on the memorial site.
Photo Clarisse
The Mata tea factory constructed a house to Gahima Leonard, a former employee. It provides
also a general support of houses construction to all survivors of genocide regardless whether they
were ex-employees or their relatives. Employees are on good terms with each other and since 23
years ago, there is no genocide ideology identified within Mata tea factory.
III.4. Genocide Perpetration in Kitabi Tea Factory
This section will emphasize on the livelihoods and relationship among the personnel of Kitabi
tea factory before 1990, during the liberation war, how genocide was committed along with
genocide commemoration and supporting survivors of genocide and families victims of
genocide.
57
III.4.1. Livelihoods and relationship among staff with Ktabi Tea Factory before 1990
Like in any other parts of the country, in 1973 personnel of the Kitabi Tea Factory was dismissed
and those dismissed were not re-integrated after pacification. Like any other places, there was
ethnic segregation associated with regional sectarianism (those from Kiga and others from
Nduga). In Kitabi tea factory there were a general director called KAMODOKA Denys who was
at the same time ethnic segregation and region sectarianism monger. This director used to say:
“instead of having a Tutsi being my manager, I’d better resign and go back to my home village,
Mutura/Gisenyi and cultivate banana)’’. (Testimony no 60308).
Referring to testimonies, he was segregation monger. He hired other civil servants from Gisenyi
who used to harass Tutsi. While they were in the factory canteen they used to bring about
dialogues related to ethnic segregations and sometimes ended up by almost fighting. In this
regard, a person called Munyeshuli Innocent, deputy director slapped Kayinamura Bernard,
Director of plantation, telling him that he did not like Tutsi. The testimony teller said that from
that time all employees in plantation service started to disobey him till the general director
assigned him other duties. It was obviously un-dignifying him because of ethnic segregation
(Testimony no 60309)
III.4.2. Livelihoods and relationship among staff with Kitabi Tea Factory during the war of
liberation (1990-1994)
No tea factory employees were jailed because of being accomplices during the liberation war.
Since October 1990 there were some workers who were shifted to Kitabi from Mulindi factory
where Inkotanyi had strongholds. They were using insulting words against Tutsi and
discriminating them. They were saying that they had left their former working places because of
Tutsi only to meet them again at new working place. They said that there was no way to escape
from Tutsi. Then insulting Tutsi started calling them: snake, enemy, accomplices spying people
and cockroaches/Inyenzi, plotters and the like. There was a worker, Gakuru Francois, who said
58
“You do not know Tutsi, you will keep on trusting them and one day they will take away the
factory. Tutsi are not trustful people”.
In the canteen, where the workers used to meet after the job, people could use hatred words
against Tutsi.
Acts of degrading in service
During this period, the direction changed the posts of some Tutsi workers. For instance the
direction changed Kabasha Emmanuel’s post, a driver of the general director and finally he
became driver of truck transporting firewood and soils to maintain roads inside the tea factory.
The Director said that he had known the wickedness of Tutsi and hence he feared that the stated
driver could kill him using an alibi of accident. Another reason was to prevent him from going to
Kigali to meet Inkotanyi. Ndamage Vincent was a head of the garage unit. Since the liberation
war broke out, the director prevented him from his car maintenance and he assigned the duty to
someone else called Rusine Ignace to avoid a possible accident that might be intentionally
schemed by Ndamage Vincent (Testimonies no 60308).
The director hired many new unskilled workers from Gisenyi. They started to confront with their
head managers on the ground that they hated them because they were Hutu whereas them, i.e line
managers were Tutsi. Tutsi workers living in tea factory compound started to be checked at their
homes. In 1993, Mudasomwa district workers came to Mutsinzi vedaste, Ndamage Vincent and
Kayihura Emmanuel to check the guns that they had hidden.
Kamodoka Denis, ex-Director, Hagumimana Cyprien ex-accountant, Hagumimana Marc exdriver, Gakuru Francois and others who had come from Mulindi factory were among top people
who were spearheading the acts of persecuting and trivializing Tutsi. During this time no Tutsi
could be professionally promoted as it was a usual case for their co-workers in the factory as
required by the law (Testimonies no 60309).
59
III.4.3. How genocide against Tutsi was committed in Kitabi Tea Factory in 1994
The case of Simba Aloys who spearheaded the genocide perpetration in Gikongoro and Butare
revealed his close collaboration with other leaders such as Denys Kamodoka, the Director of
Kitabi Tea Factory, and Juvenal Ndabarinzi, the Director of Mata Tea Factory in Gikongoro.35
His meeting on 9th April 1994 to organize the plan of killing at Mwufe, Kibeho and Murambi
was held at the Gasarenda Business Center in which attended many leaders in the area and some
participants included Kamodoka Denys, the Director of Kitabi Tea Factory, and Juvenal
Ndabarinze, the Director of Mata Tea Factory. The fact that the population from Mudasomwa
had to provide interventions of killings at Kibeho and other places dwelt by many Tutsi36, were
among decisions made in that meeting. However, since the place was remote, it was decided that
cars including those of the Kitabi Tea Factory had to be used37.
In the factory killing Tutsi started on 9th April 1994. The attacks in the factory started on 8th
April 1994 at 9h00 pm. The first attack came from Mujuga, Birekana and Uwingugu was headed
by Batete son of Ezechiel. The second attack was headed by Buregeya from Busenyi. The killers
ordered all the people to go out of their houses. In the whole night, the killers kept eyes on them,
guarded them to prevent them from escaping. In the early morning at 4h30 am they attacked at
Muyovu’s home where many people from the factory had taken refuge. They ordered Muyovu to
separate himself from cockroach/inyenzi-he was a Hutu married to a Tutsi women- and he
answered them: “we are in the same family, instead of killing them alone, start to kill by me”.
Around 5:00 a.m they opened a hand grenade against Muyovu and his people. The killing
started. He fell down and they thought that he had died. They killed all the people who were
there. After killing, they started to loot all houses around. 22 people were identified as staff and
members of their families who are victims of the genocide as indicated on the list annexed.
35
ICTR, The prosecutor versus Aloys Simba. Case No ICTR-2001-76-T, p. 6
Sous perefegitura of Munini was known to be dwelt by many Tusi
37
ICTR, Idem, p. 17
36
60
The role of the factory employees and managers
To understand the role of Kitabi factory in genocide, it is important to remind the documents
from the verdicts of cases in ICTR which testify the role of the Director Denys Kamodoka in
planning and leading killings. In the case of Simba Aloys, it was indicated that people who
collaborated with him in the plan and the leading of genocide perpetration included Kamodoka
Denis who was the Director of Kitabi Tea Factory and Ndabarinze Juvenal who was the Director
of Mata Tea Factory38. They went across the area holding meetings, distributing weapons and
explaining how genocide was to be committed. The staff of Kitabi tea factory were among the
main killers in the area. The leaders were taking them in different places to provide support of
killing because they turned out to be famous killers and fearless. In the court case of Simba, it is
said that Kamodoka Denys held a speech in Gasarenda along with him to explain the purpose of
the meeting: to plan the killings in that area39.
Leaders of the factory involved in killings
Kamodoka Denis, who was the Director
Hagumimana Marc who was the Driver was using the cars of the factories to
dispatch the killers
Sebazungu Marc, a Driver, was transporting the killers
Kasa Janvier
38
International criminal tribunal for Rwanda. Case No ICTR-2001-76-1. The prosecutor against Aloys Simba. No14:”
In preparing and planning the massacres, which occurred in Gikongoro and Butare préfectures in April and May
1994, Aloys Simba acted in concert with: Faustin Sebuhura, former gendarmerie captain, stationed in Gikongoro;
Laurent Bucyibaruta, former préfet of Gikongoro; Damien Biniga, former sous-préfet of Munini sous-préfecture,
Gikongoro; Denys Kamodoka, former Kitabi tea factory director, Gikongoro; Juvenal Ndabarinzi, former Mata tea
factory director, Gikongoro; Lt. Col Augustin Rwamanya, former officer in charge of logistics for the ex-FAR;
Joachim
Hategekimana,
former
sous-préfet
of
Kaduha,
sous-préfecture
Gikongoro;
Charles Munyaneza, former bourgmestre of Kinyamakara commune; and others not known to the Prosecution.
39
Idem, No 25 :” The statement issued by Kamodoka to incite the killing of the Tutsi population explained the
purpose of the meeting. On the afternoon of the same day, traditional weapons brought by Colonel Rwamanywa
were distributed to the militia in the presence of Juvenal Ndabarinze”.
61
Turatsinze was collecting cows to feed the killers
Sebudagari was a driver
Nkurunziza
Ngoga Emmanuel was a driver
The places where Tutsi were killed
The Tutsi of Kitabi factory were killed in different places. Initially they were killed inside the
compound where they were living. There were houses for middle class staff known as “Kirundi”
and others for high class leaders known “Roma”. It is in these houses where people were killed.
The survivors wounded were moved to Mbuga and Kigeme hospitals and others to Murambi but
killers followed them and finished them. Some died in tea plantations others died in far places
from the factory. Tutsi were killed using all types of weapons including firearms, grenades,
traditional arms like machetes, maces, small hoes, spears etc. The killers had all types of
weapons.
Meetings planning killings
-
On 7th April 1994 Biniga chaired a meeting in Mata factory to start killings and the
Director of Kitabi tea factory attended the meeting.
-
On 9th April 1994 Simba chaired a meeting in Gasarenda to plan genocide at Kibeho,
Murambi and Mwufe. In this meeting the Director was there and held a speech to explain
the plan of genocide.
-
The staff of the factory spearheaded killings in different locations. It is possible that they
held meetings but witnesses did not have accurate information. After killings, there was a
time of meeting to reward killers and buy them beers.
62
The role of the factory in organizing and implementing the plan of genocide
The director played a role as he had already recruited the civil militia Interahamwe disguising
them as security agents. They then started to organize counting of the targeted people to kill. He
attended meetings organizing the plan of the genocide in that area. He authorized employees of
the factory to organize attacks aiming at decimating Tutsi in that area. He provided factory’s cars
to transport civil militia Interahamwe to perpetrate killings at Kibeho, Murambi, Munini, etc. He
authorized factory’s cars to move out factory killings’ survivors to Murambi disguising that he
was rescuing them while in reality he was coalescing them with a purpose to accomplish their
decimation. He was providing money to buy cows to feed killers after killings. After killings, he
was also motivating killers through buying them beers.
Disappearing evidences
Tutsi were killed in the factory but their bodies were immediately taken to the unknown place.
There some who were taken from Mubuga hospital before they had been killed but their bodies
were not found. Likewise, the bodies of the people who were killed in Murambi were not
identified to enable their burying in dignity.
Acts of torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading Treatment
Mutsinzi who had been a tea Maker was brought from the hospital where he had been admitted
as consequences of injuries. They brought him back into the factory to show him where he was
to take management position in case Inkotanyi would get victory and afterwards, they killed him.
III.4.4. Genocide Commemoration and supporting the families of the ex-staff, survivors of
the genocide
There are good climate of social interactions within employees of Kitabi Tea Factory. In this
year 2017, the factory was able to construct genocide memorial site on which survivors of
63
genocide who were ex-employees and their relatives were scripted. Actually, there are 22 names
of remembered victims. In this year the factory organized a night of commemoration in which
people who had been there during the genocide were requested to provide testimonies of what
they had witnessed during the genocide. Musabyimana Eugenie and Mukamuyango Madeleine
who used to work there delivered their testimonies during that night of commemoration.
Nyirimpunga Emmanuel who used to work in the factory and was not under threat of genocide
provided testimonies as well. Many employees attended and joined other political leaders at local
governments and central government levels in that event of commemoration.
Photo Prof Masabo
The commemoration usually follows the general guideline plan of the District. The exemployees of the factory who survived the genocide are supported and this is for instance
Musabyimana Eugenie who is in retirement and Sindayigaya. There is no genocide ideology
within Kitabi factory tea. The employees are on good terms with each other in contrast with the
time before the genocide when the Director Kamodoka Denis was heading the factory.
III.5. Genocide perpetration in Gisovu Tea Factory
Testimony tellers did not provide information related to the period before 1990. What they heard
was that like elsewhere in the country, staff from the factory were dismissed following the
violence of 1973 and they were not re-integrated after pacification.
64
III.5.1 Livelihoods and relationship among the staff of Gisovu tea factory during the
liberation period (1990-1994)
Due to ethnic context, the social interaction among staff of the factory changed since October
1990. There were some employees who were jailed on the ground that they had been
accomplices with their relatives Tutsi who had waged war against Rwanda: Those were for
example Rwagapfizi, the head of tea plantation, Ndamage Jean Paul, the Electrician,
Nzamurambaho, a driver and Ruhinda who was an accountant officer. They were arrested at the
factory and were jailed for 1 week after which they were released and resumed their job.
In 1993, the factory authority dismissed some employees on the ground that “it had lost
confidence in them” Those were Gatera Augustin, Head of Plantation unit and Nyarugwiza
Joseph. The social interaction among staff deteriorated gradually till April 1994 when Tutsi
genocide perpetration broke out. Progressively, Tutsi and Hutu started to separate from one
another. The climate of suspicion went up. The expressions of mistreating Tutsi were given
roots. For example there was an expression that it was not possible to trust Tutsi because they
were bad people who could be ready any time to harm Hutu. Other sayings called them snakes,
cockroaches, sadist people who could disguise and scheme plots to destroy anyone. Since the
liberation war, there were a climate indicating that the co-habitation between Tutsi and Hutu was
not possible.
III.5.2. How genocide against Tutsi was perpetrated in Gisovu Factory?
Gisovu factory like any other many places was renowned for the acts of genocide perpetration in
the area. Authorities and employees of the factory were involved in killings in that area. Cars and
other property of the factory were used to in the commission of genocide. In order to understand
the role of employees and authorities of the factory played in the commission of genocide, it is
worthy referring to the case of Musema Alfred, the ex-Director of factory, held in ICTR-
65
Arusha40.Musema had a role in the genocide against Tutsi of Gisovu and Bisesero in the former
Kibuye Prefecture. The genocide perpetration took three months and it had been exacerbated
from April to July. It took lives of forty thousand (40,000) Tutsi. Musema was seen hand in hand
with his employees in all attacks during the whole time of genocide perpetration: on 15 th April
1994 in Muko Commune in Gikongoro neighboring with Gisovu in Kibuye Prefecture. On 26th
April 1994 at the hill called Gitwa in Gisovu Commune. On 27th April and 3rd May 1994 at
Rwirambo Hill. On 13th and 14th May at Muyira Hill, they attacked around 40,000 tutsi who had
taken refuge and only 10,000 Tutsi survived. He was seen also in attacks of Mataba hill. End
May 1994, he was involved in 300 Tutsi killings and they were eliminated in the Nyakavumu
cave.
He fled the country in July and settled down in Switzerland end 1994. On 11th February 1995, he
was arrested in Switzerland. On 20th May 1997, was transferred to ICTR-Arusha and imprisoned.
He appeared in front of the court for the first time on 18th November 1997, on 20th November
1998, the 2nd time and on 6th May 1999 the 3rd time. His judgment was held on 25th Januray
1999. On 27th January 2000 he was sentenced to life imprisonment. He appealed the court
verdict. On 16th November 2001 the appeal court chamber confirmed his being guilty of
genocide crime and to decimate Tutsi as a crime against humanity.
The appeal court chamber made him innocent on crime of rape and reiterated the life
imprisonment. On 9th December 2001, he was taken to Mali to accomplish there his punishment
of life imprisonment41. Those who have got information about Musema Alfred’s role in genocide
confirmed that he was an important figure in planning and leading the genocide perpetrated
against Tutsi in the area where the Gisovu Factory was located due to the role he played. The
Tutsi in Gisovu Factory were killed since 15th April 1994. Sixty former staff and their families
were identified as people who lost lives in genocide as indicated the list annexed.
40
ICTR, The prosecution versus Musema. Case No ICTR-96-13-T. Judgement and sentence,
Arusha, 2000
41
ICTR, The prosecutor versus Alfred Musema. Case No ICTR-96-13-T. Judgement and sentence, Arusha, 2000
66
The staff of the factory involved in killings
The leading person in genocide was Musema Alfred, the Director of the Factory. He appeared in
almost all attacks in the area of Gisovu and Bisesero. There were some staff who appeared with
uniforms of the factory in all attacks that happened at the hills of Gisovu and Bisesero. It was not
easy to identify all names because they were many and the majority were the casual labor staff.
Bayingana Aloys who was agronomist and Ndimbati Aloys are among other important figures
involved in genocide. Others turned out to have fled the country after genocide. Many leaders
such as Ndimbati, the Bourgmestre of Gisovu, Sikubwabo, the Bourgmestre of Gishyita,
Kayishema Clement, Prefet of Kibuye, Ruzindana Obed, the businessman in Kibuye and
Ntakirutimana Elphase, the Church Pastor in Mugonero were involved.
Places in which many people were killed and weapons used
Gisovu was a hilly area of Bisesero. The hunted Tutsi went to hide in those hills and killers had
found them there. Some employees were killed inside their houses. Few of them were killed in
tea plantation fields. Killers were in different categories: soldiers with fire weapons such as
grenades, guns of different types, civilians who were using traditional weapons such as
machetes, maces, spears and the like. All weapons were used.
The role of the factory in killings
The director of the factory was in the first category of people who prepared and executed the
plan of genocide. He participated in different meetings to prepare genocide. He is said to have
participated in the meeting chaired by Simba at Gasarenda on 9th April 1994. He used to go in
attacks in Gisovu and Bisesero along with employees of the factory with job uniforms on which
it was written “Usine a Thé de Gisovu”. These employees continued to get salary as if they were
on normal job. This to say that the money of the factory was used in genocide perpetration. The
factory provided cars to transport killers in those hills. The factory provided drivers and fuels.
The factory stocked weapons used in killings and the Director was distributing them to killers.
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Disappearing evidences and acts of torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading
Treatment
The Tutsi who were killed had been thrown out in the mass grave. All the people who were
killed near the factory were thrown out in the mass grave that had prepared in the Gisovu
commercial center. Others remained in the forest of the tea factory. A big number of others
remained in the Bisesero hills where they had been killed. In case their colleagues did not bury
them in dignity, they could remain there. The acts of torture and other cruel, inhuman or
degrading included women rapes. They were done by some staff of the factory under orders of
Alfred Musema, their director as he was always together with tem in all attacks. The employees
of the factory along with the director of the factory in the attack of Nyakavumu cave killed
around 300 Tutsi. They enforced then in the cave and burnt them alive.
III.5.3. Genocide Commemoration and supporting members of families survivors of
the genocide in Gisovu Tea Factory
For the time being, the employees and managers of the factory are on good terms with each other
and participate in the events of genocide commemoration. The factory was able to construct
genocide memorial site on which survivors of genocide who were ex-employees and their
relatives were scripted.
Photo Gombaniro
The dates of commemoration differ depending on the schedule agreed upon with the District. At
the 23rd anniversal, commemoration took place on 9/4/2017. The survivors of the genocide are
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supported. In 2008, the factory constructed 5 houses in Bisesero for vulnerable survivors. In
2014, the employees of the factory provided 3 cows to the sector authority for the vulnerable
survivors of the genocide. There is no genocide ideology nor ethnic segregation given that
employees are always on good terms with each other.
III.6. Genocide perpetration in Gisakura Tea Factory
There is no much information on the period preceding 1990. What testimony tellers commonly
heard was that, like elsewhere in the country, staff were dismissed from the factory following the
violence of 1973. The factory announced also a list of the names of dismissed Tutsi and
emphasized that whoever was appearing on the list was forbidden to enter in the factory. Some
of them had already got information and did not go to the factory to work till the job was
resumed after pacification. Others fled the country like Karemera Gerard, agronomist who exiled
into Burundi (Testimony no60507).
III.6.1 Livelihoods and relationship among the personnel in Gisakura Factory during the
liberation war (1990-1994)
During the liberation war period, 1990-1994, in Gisakura Tea factory started the problem of
ethnic segregation. Even though no Tutsi workers were jailed, they were harassed and
nicknamed different stereotype names such people with accomplices, snake, long nose people,
rubbish people and the like. This harassment was done by some factory employees such as:
Ngiruwonsanga Francois, a mechanic, Theoneste a head of maintenance service and Alphonse, a
mechanic.
On 13/10/1990 few days after the liberation war was waged, Ngiruwonsanga and Barinda beat
their colleague called Cyubahiro and the act took place near water tank which was in the factory.
The justification was that Inyenzi-Inkotanyi waged a war against Rwanda and they had
decimated people in Umutara.
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The workers who were transferred to Gisakura from Mulindi Tea Factory were spreading the
spirit of hatred. They told Rwiririza Athanase, Habineza Albert, Twagiramungu (they were
foremen) and Cyubahiro Ntibiramira Innocent that the Tutsi colonialism will never end up. There
was always an ethnic segregation climate because some workers were showing hatred against
Tutsi. Except during the period of genocide perpetration per se, otherwise hatred against Tutsi
was not institutionalized.
III.6.2. How genocide was perpetrated in Gisakura tea factory?
The leaders of Gisakura Tea Factory did not play a role in genocide perpetration. Mubiligi
Anathole, the factory’s director originating from Gikongoro fled to his native area when
genocide broke out on 12/4/1994. He came back to resume the job on 24/4/1994 when killings
had been ended. He re-opened the services of the factory
Surprisingly, he said that he had fled to Musebeya Commune in Gatare where Simba Aloys had
headquarters of the genocide planning that wiped out the entire region of Gikongoro. The factory
suspended activities only 12 days i.e from 12/04/1994 to 24/04/1994 a time in which the Director
had been absent.
The locations where people were killed
The killings of genocide broke out on 9th April 1994. The first attack was launched around 15h00
pm under leadership of Sous Prefet Terebura along with Sewabeza, the Bourgmestre of Kagano,
the Councilor of Gisakura and the gendarmes. They put together all employees who were living
in the factory compound and other people who had taken refuge in the factory. The factory had
many hostels for casual labour employees. They put all of them in the car of the factory and
others in the car of sous prefet and moved them to the parish of Nyamasheke promising them to
guard their security even though they killed them later on at that parish. The following day,
killers came back to search more people who had taken refuge. They killed them at Gisakura
health centre and at a place known as Moulin.
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There were many other people who were killed in tea plantation fields. Killers included citizens
from different sectors surrounding tea factory, soldiers, who were hunting them with dogs.
Testimony tellers say that people still see skulls in the tea plantation fields. The number of staff
who lost lives in genocide is 47. For further information see annex 5.
The role of factory leaders in killings
A big number of staff who were involved in killings were not known. Few who were identified
included Ngumire Didace, a tea maker among the staff who came from Mulindi Tea factory in
1993. He was convicted by Gacaca but was later on released. There were also Ngiruwonsanga
Francois, Alias Kerekere, who was a mechanic and Mbasharugamba Emmanuel who were both
convicted by Gacaca but were then released. There was Nkurunziza Venuste who had been
imprisoned but had been then released. There was Mbarushimana who was imprisoned but was
then released. The Director Mubiligi Anatole was jailed but the court found him not guilty and
released him (Testimony no 60508).
Means and materials used in killings
The killings that wiped out the area of Gisakura factory tea used different weapons such as guns,
grenades, maces, machetes, spears, etc. People were also hunted down with dogs. Meetings
preparing the plan of genocide were convened outside the factory in so much as testimony tellers
did not know their time.
Disappearing evidences
The role of the factory in the preparation and execution of the plan of genocide in the area where
the factory is located was not significant given that the Director of the Factory was not involved
in genocide like other directors of tea factories across the country. Like elsewhere, there were
acts of disappearing evidences such as burying bodies in mass graves, hiding information related
to the factory’s employees involved in killings. One of the reasons was that some staff
cooperated with people from outside to commit genocide and the factory suspended service in 12
days after which service re-opened during genocide period. The former Director said that they
had suspended service on 12th April 1994 and resumed service on 24th April 1994 when he came
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back. But he did not want to say what he witnessed around him. He only confirmed that he never
witnessed genocide where he was living.
Acts of torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading Treatment
Only little information was collected. A women called Mukarepuburika Jacqueline had been
raped by Ngiruwonsanga Francois before he killed her.
III.6.3. Commemorating genocide and supporting families of former employees of the
factory, survivors of genocide
Since 24th April 1994 the factory resumed activities because its director came back to carry on
service. The factory suspended activities when French troops withdrew from the area in August
1994 and they resumed activities in October 1994. Mubiligi Anatole remained the Director. A
new director called Mhambara Innocent was sent by OCIR-Thé
to rehabilitate the factory of
Shagasha but was living in Gisakura Factory compound. He sowed segregation among staff and
harassed the Director till he was arrested. He took over from him but continued to sow a seed of
suspicion climate leading to segregation. He was calling some staff Interahamwe militia. His
leadership did not last for long because he was replaced by Tito Ruramira who restored a good
working environment among staff.
This Director initiated the act of collecting the bodies of victims of genocide that had been found
in different places of the factory and in the mass grave near the factory and the place known as
Moulin. He collected the found bones and they took them to the genocide memorial site of
Nyamasheke. Another mass grave was found at health centre. They kept the bodies in the store
of the factory and they were expecting to bury them in dignity later on. He was replaced by
Gasarabwe Jean Damascene in 2002 who initiated the building of the genocide memorial site.
Finally, they buried bodies in dignity in 2003.
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Photo : Prof Masabo
This factory has a specific day to commemorate the victims of the genocide. The survivors of the
genocide are in general supported. It used to provide cows to be distributed among the survivors
of the genocide in needy. The houses constructed at Shangi for survivors of the genocided were
inaugurated on 25/6/2017. In the Gisakura Tea Factory there is no ethnic segregation nor
genocide ideology among employee as they are on good terms with each other.
III.7. the acts of genocide perpetration in Shagasha Factory
Witness tellers do not have enough information for the period that preceded 1990. What they
heard was that staff were dismissed following the violence of 1973. The dismissed staff were not
re-integrated after pacification.
III.7.1. Livelihoods and relationship among the personnel during the liberation war (19901994).
Like elsewhere across the country, after the 1st October 1990 the professional relations among
employees in Shagasha Tea factory completely changed. Nsabimana Callixte the director of the
tea factory had brought young people who were behaving as soldiers to keep the factory’s
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security42. Many of them they were solders. He increased the number of workers the majority of
whom originating from Gisenyi with an accentuated hatred against Tutsi.
Tutsi workers started to be insulted that they were Inkotanyi’s accomplices, wicked, cockroaches
and other words stereotype names trivializing them. In 1992, the act of checking Tutsi started
asking them their identity cards, and some time they were delayed while being checked
(Testimony no 60606).
In the meeting held on 21st November 1990 between the Directors of factories and the OCIR-Thé
General Director, the question of security within factories during the war was raised. They were
told that whoever worried about the security must enforce it through recruiting security agents.
When you consider how genocide was perpetrated in different factories such as Mata factory
headed by Ndabarinze Juvenal, Kitabi Factory headed by Kamodoka Denys, Shagasha factory
headed by Nsabimana Callixte, and Gisovu factory headed by Musema Alfred, you notice that
such question had a hidden agenda of dispatching Interahamwe militia to recognize and master
the areas given how the aforesaid leaders were involved in the execution of the plan of genocide
as asserted by Human Rights watch:
“Dispatching Interahamwe militia was done across the country to enable the execution of
genocide plan. In particular, the factories had means to receive them and employ them as
security agents to protect the existing huge property. Further, given farming activities, many
machetes used in genocide reached populations across the country through factories”43.
The Director Nsabimana Callixte issued to the staff a document to move with on which the entire
identification including ethnic group were written. He instructed the security agents to harass
Tutsi who were coming to work and advised them to prevent from entering any Tutsi who could
cause a quarrel. The Director was hating Tutsi to the extreme and anyone could notice it. In
addition to hating Tutsi, he was also hating Hutu who were not partisans of MRND. He used to
42
The act of deploying civil militiamen Interahamwe was carried out all over the country to
enable the commission of genocide crime. Particularly, the factories had the powers to recruit
them as agents of security to protect the huge property. Hence, because of agricultural activities,
there were many machetes used that were given to the population through the tea factories in the
commission of the genocide. Human rights watch and FILDH, Aucun temoin ne doit survivre.
Le genocide au Rwanda, Paris , Karthala, 1999.
43
Human rights watch and FILDH, Aucun temoin ne doit survivre. Le genocide au Rwanda, Paris , Karthala, 1999.
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send security agents to destroy flags of PL and MDR that were near the factory. He behaved like
a leader of the entire region. He was hating Hutu affiliated with MDR. In 1993, he slapped
Ndayambaje Reverien in public and he consequently detached him to work at Gisovu factory on
the ground that no director else could manage him except Musema. He dismissed Nkaka Jean, a
tea maker, on the ground of Tutsi’s arrogance (Testimony no 60606).
The people who were spearheading the acts of persecuting and trivializing Tutsi were Nsabimana
Callixte, Sebudagari, Karekezi, Nzigihima, Gratien, Victor, Nkusi, Munyakazi nicknamed
Gihenera, Donati and Ndagijimana. One may remark that between 1990 and 1994, the genocide
was under planning in this factory of Shagasha.
III.7.2. How genocide was committed in Shagasha Tea Factory?
The Director of Shagasha Tea Factory played a significant role in the preparation and execution
of the plan of genocide perpetrated against Tutsi in the area where the factory was located. He
established a militia group to make census of Tutsi, to collect weapons, to persecute Tutsi in
view to show other staff that co-habiting with them was not possible (polarization). This
ignominious acts were headed by Nsabimana Callixte whom the Testimony tellers assert that he
was the cousin of the President Juvenal Habyarimana.
Killings in Shagasha tea factory broke out on 8th April 1994. After the death of President Juvenal
Habyarimana, Tutsi were immediately attacked in their home villages near the factory. Many
people took refuge in the factory hoping to get security there. The Director provided a car and
called for the intervention of militaries who had taken them and killed them at Mibirizi. The staff
who had homes outside the factory lost their lives in different places. There are people who tried
to hide themselves in tea factory plantations but killers hunted the down with dogs many days.
They killed whoever was discovered. Currently, there are skulls which are still found in places
where they had been killed. The number of staff who lost their lives in genocide is estimated to
47; their full names are annexed.
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Factory’s employees involved in genocide perpetration
a great deal number of staff involved in killings but were not identified
Nsabimana Callixte
Donati,
Nzigihima
Karoli Rukimirana
Leonard Bamenyayundi
Nkusi,
Ntakiyimana Edouard
Habyarimana Elizafani who was accountant
Karekezi who was Agronomist
Munyakazi alias Gihenera
Nzigihima who died in prison
Habineza Victor was released from jail
Rukimirana Karoli
Gratien was imprisoned, pleaded guilty and got released
Among the people who spearheaded the killings, there was Nsabimana Callixte, the Director of
the Factory, Bandetse Edouard, Bamenyayundi and Munyakazi Yusufu who was leading all
attacks in the entire area of Cyangugu. There were also militaries who were coming to support
civilians in killings.
Particular places where many Tutsi were killed.
People who were living in the tea factory compound and other Tutsi neighbouring with the
factory were transported by a car provided by the director to Mibilizi where they had been killed.
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They were taken by soldiers who had come to support civilians in killings. Only one person was
killed inside the factory. Many others were killed in tea plantations given that killers were using
dogs to hunt them down. Sometimes they find skulls in the factory tea plantations. There is a
mass grave located in a place called Mabanda. There is also a place called Nyarushishi where
French soldiers had camped.
Weapons used in killings
Different types of weapons were used including guns, grenades, machetes, maces, spears, etc. it
must be noted that soldiers helped civilians significantly to kill Tutsi in the factory compound,
tea factory plantations and elsewhere in the location.
Meetings preparing the genocide
There were many meetings preparing the planning of the genocide in Shagasha tea factory but
they were held secretly. The Director was convening his confident people to hold secret meetings
in his office before 7:00 a.m. Other people who were not invited in the meeting could be falsely
accused of being late and consequently be persecuted. The members of the aforesaid militia
group could get instructions from Manueli who had participated in the meeting chaired by the
Director. They were telling them that the 1st enemy of the country was the Tutsi and that they
had to be watchful to prevent him from intruding their affairs (Testimony no 60606).
The director used to hold meeting inside the factory with Prefet Bagambiki along with few
confident staff and the businessman called Bimenyande Leonard originating from Gisenyi.
There were public meetings chaired by Prefet Bagambiki. At the prefecture level, only senior
leaders were participants. The Director of the factory was holding a meeting with security agents
and was telling them that the only enemy was the Tutsi and if they got absent minded, he would
exterminate them. He had already distributed the official forms on which were scripted names
with ethnic belongingness of each staff. He instructed the security agents to inquire many
information in case they saw the Tutsi and if the latter misbehaved, they had to refuse him to get
in the factory.
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The role of the factory in the preparation and execution of the plan of genocide
The Director played a remarkable role in genocide. He taught genocide ideology and sowed the
hatred between staff and was trying to convince Hutu that they could not co-habit with Tutsi. He
persecuted Tutsi and un-dignified them in front of other staff. He created an Interhamawe militia
group, equipped it with weapons and ordered it to persecute the Tutsi who had been working in
the factory. He was leading killings and called soldiers to kill Tutsi who had taken refuge in the
factory. He distributed factory’s cars to transport killers. The factory piled a store of weapons to
use in genocide. The money of the factory was used to reward killers. The factory became a
junction of acts of preparing and executing the plan of genocide in the area of Cyangugu.
Disappearing evidences and Acts of torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading
Treatment
The Tutsi were killed and thrown out in the mass graves in place called Mabanda and
Nyarushishi. With regards to acts of torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment, it is
said that they burnt down the Tutsi at Nyarushishi. A factory employee women called
Mukakarisa Madeleine was plotted by the wife of the Director of the factory and she was killed
after being raped. It is Segahutu who finally terminated her life.
III.7.3. Genocide Commemoration and Supporting families of ex-employees, survivors of
the genocide
The Shagasha Tea factory organizes every year a day to commemorate its former employees who
had been killed during the genocide. The event joins all employees in collaboration with factory
senior managers at all levels. A genocide memorial site on which names of former employees’
victims of genocide are scripted was constructed.
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Photo Prof Masabo
There is a plan to support in general survivors of the genocide. Some five survivors were given
cows and others were given two houses. There is no ethnic segregation climate and employees
are on good terms with each other in contrast with the period before the genocide.
III.8. The genocide Perpetration in the tea factory of Nyabihu
Like elsewhere in the country before 1990, there was ethnic segregation and region sectarianism.
The employment was basing on ethnic quota institutionalized across the country. People had
been already familiar with being asked the ethnic belongingness before they were given service.
The factory of Nyabihu started in 1974 after the President Juvenal Habyarimana had taken taken
power. There were very few Tutsi staff.
III.8.1. Livelihoods and Relationship among employees during the time of war liberation
(1990-1994)
The Nyabihu tea factory started to be operational in 1974, after Habyarimana Juvenal took
power. Nyabihu was located in Karago-the Habyarimana Juvenal home village. It was the
factory of the regime inner house. Consequently, there were few Tutsi workers. When the
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liberation war started no one was jailed because of being accused of complicity with Inkotanyi.
However, few Tutsi workers in the factory were insulted and harassed and were called
cockroaches, snakes, accomplices, heartless etc, as their relatives waged the war against the
country. Dakisi Silas, an agronomist and Mazimpaka were two workers who were extremely
harassed. They were insulted by their colleagues wherever they met them especially in canteen
where many people used to meet. They were insulted and trivialization.
In 1993, Dakisi was murdered by unknown people at his home place in the factory. Whereas
Mazimpaka was fired out on the ground that he had had some accomplices with his relatives who
waged the war. He went to look for a job in Bralirwa Gisenyi. Hategeka and Niyitegeka who
were masons of the factory had been spearheading the acts of persecution as revealed by
testimony no 60803 a factory employee from the day the tea factory establishment until today.
III.8.2. How Genocide was perpetrated in Nyabihu Tea Factory?
When you listen to the testimonies delivered on the implementation of plan of genocide against
Tutsi in Nyabihu Tea Factory, you find that those testimonies hold little information but
corroborate the ones provided in the case of Bagaragaza in ICTR Arusha (Testimony no 60802) .
Killers started to decimate Tutsi in the morning of 7th April 1994 in the area where the factory
was located and specifically at Kesho hill on 9th April 1994. The Tutsi of that area had already
taken refuge at Kesho hill earlier in 1991. On their way to the church service, their neighbors
always wanted to kill them but were able to fight against them and self-defended themselves.
When they got exhausted and overwhelmed, they constructed their own church at that hill on
which killers found them and killed them in April 1994. One person who was killed and
identified as a former employee of the factory was Ntsindagire. An employee called Dakisi Silas
was mistakenly identified as Tutsi while in reality was the Hutu from Gikongoro had been killed
in the compound of the factory in 1993.
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Employees of the factory involved in killings
Eemployees who spearheaded killings included the general director of the OCIR-Thé factory
who had been gone to that area to lead killings, the director of Nyabihu tea factory, Gasongero
Justin, and other many employees of the factory who had been transported by the cars of the
factory. Specifically, the names of employees who were involved in genocide are:
Hategeka died
Niyitegeka died
Kimenyi was convicted and imprisoned
Senzijye was convicted and imprisoned
Sebatashya was convicted and imprisoned
Weapons used in killings
Killings at Kesho hill used all types of weapons including guns, grenades, machetes, maces etc.
There were many meetings that aimed to plan killings but the most famous one was the one
quoted in the court case of Bagaragaza on 8th April 1994 whose aim was to plan killings at
Kesho hill and at the Nyumdo Cathederal. That meeting was attended by the directors of Rubaya
and Nyabihu Tea Factory, the Bourgmestre and Deputy Bourgmestre of Karago Commune and
others people whose names were not known.
The role of the factory in killings
The role of the factory in the preparation and execution of the plan of genocide in the area where
the factory was located was very significant. The factory was a store of guns and machetes used
to kill Tutsi at Kesho hill. The cars of the factory were transporting people in killings at Kesho
hill and at Nyundo Cathederal and elsewhere. Employees continued to receive salary while they
were killing the Tutsi. Bagaraza provided money of the factory to buy beers as a way of
rewarding killers.
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Acts of torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading Treatment and Disappearing
evidences
The killed people were thrown out in mass grave located at Kesho hill. Testimony tellers were
not able to get information related to acts of torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading
treatment.
III.8.3 commemorating genocide and supporting families of former employees, victims of
the genocide.
The factories of Nyabihu, Rubaya and Pfunda do not have a specific day to commemorate their
formers employees, victims of genocide. Yet, employees participate in commemoration events in
villages where they live. There are no specific initiatives of supporting survivors of the genocide.
There are no specific activities in which factories provide support to families of ex-employees
survivors of the genocide or their relatives. Informants say that there were no Tutsi who lost their
lives in the factory. Further, Tutsi who were working in the factory, had already quitted the
factory before genocide. Constructing memorial site and commemorating genocide to pay
tributes to staff victims would be irrelevant. Employees live friendly without ethnic segregation
nor genocide ideology.
III.9. Genocide Perpetration in Rubaya Tea Factory
Like elsewhere in the country before 1990, there was ethnic segregation and region sectarianism.
The employment was basing on ethnic quota institutionalized across the country. People had
been already familiar with being asked the ethnic belongingness before they were given service.
The factory of Rubaya started in 1974 after the President Juvenal Habyarimana had taken power.
There were very few Tutsi staff.
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III.9.1. Livelihoods and Relationships among staff during the liberation war (1990-1994)
The social interactions of employees within Rubaya tea factory changed since the liberation war.
A Tutsi was unwanted person and suspected for having hidden plots betraying the country.
Consequently, he was harassed publically as if he was not a citizen who could be protected by
the law. In 1991, a young man called Ndegeya Jonas, an ex-driver, was jailed as a result of
accusations that he poisoned water used in the factory. He had been beaten publicly by his
colleagues before he was jailed. There were very few Tutsi workers in Rubaya factory
Nevertheless, they were insulted in public that they were snakes, enemies of Rwanda and other
names referring to devalue them. .
No Tutsi employee could get promotion like other workers. Bimenyimana, a head of a music
troop within the factory was sensitizing other workers to hate and harass Tutsi. He was
collaborating with his bandmates to sensitize the MRND’s killing mission. They used to rehearse
Bikindi’s songs and other author’s songs which were used to spread the hatred against Tutsi and
prepare Hutu for Tutsi genocide commission. (Testimonies no 60702). This was done publically
and no authority deplored it. The employees noticed that the administration was behind that plan
of spreading hatred and harassment against Tutsi.
According to the study conducted by CNLG:
“Capitain Pascal Simbikangwa was the coordinator of weapons’ distribution plan in commune
Karago, Giciye and Gaseke. Informants say that Capitain Pascal Simbikangwa was distributing
weapons that were stored in Rubaya Factory. The latter was headed by Jaribu Anastase. The
latter was working closely with Bagaragaza Michel, the General Director of OCIR-Thé
in
Rwanda. These weapons were given to the employees of the factory, agronomists and security
agents within the factory. Capitain Simbikangwa was monitoring the weapons distribution and
the people who had received them” (I, 2013, & L, 2013).
To train Interahamwe militia and weapon distribution in the area where the factory was located
were done via the collaboration between military and local institutions headed by Bourgmestres,
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Sector Councilors etc, in collaboration with the factory administration at regional and national
levels.
III.9.2. How Genocide was Committed in Rubaya Tea Factory?
The testimonies from Rubaya Tea factory in the perpetration of genocide crime against Tutsi did
provide little information, however, the latter corroborated the information along with the
judicial cases of Bagaragaza in ICTR in Arusha (testimonies no 60701 and no 60702).
Because killings against Tutsi in Gisenyi area already started in 1990, the Tutsi had already
displaced and had been living at Kesho hill. “They lived at Kesho Hill from 1990 to April 1994
the time they were seriously attacked by senior militaries with heavy fire weapons. At Kesho hill,
the displaced people had already established an Adventist church as a result of living there for a
long time. They did it as way of preventing from travelling for fear that they could be attacked
and killed by Interahamwe militia group”, (CNLG, 2016).
In the morning of 8th April 1994 they were attacked by Interahamwe. They defended themselves
and pushed them away. In the morning of 9th April 1994, the attack made of Interahamwe militia,
commune’s policemen, presidential guards militaries, employees from Rubaya tea factories
encircled the Kesho hill and started to kill the Tutsi who had been fled there. Colonel Serubuga,
Colonel Rusatira, Capitain Pascal Simbikangwa, etc were among the senior military officers who
had been there. The identified staff who lost their lives in genocide were 14 as the list annexed
indicates.
Employees of the factory who played a role in genocide
SAVIMBI lives in Congo, his country
Simbizi Eliphase
Nkubana Theophile
Kamari
Byakweri
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Bimenyimana
Ndagiwenimana Silas
Murego
Sibomana Aimable
Jaribu Anastase, the Director of the Factory
Bagaragaza Michel, the General Director of OCIR-THE
The places where people were killed
Many Tutsi were killed over the side of Kesho Hill. A person called Karasanyi who was working
in the factory tried to flee in the factory along with his family but killers had killed them before
they got in. Killers slew them with guns and machetes which were brought by leaders whose
duties were to train citizens how to use weapons and to distribute to them for the purpose of
genocide perpetration. Grenades, traditional weapons such as maces, machetes, spears etc are
weapons that were used. Leaders who spearheaded killings included Bourgmestre and deputy
bourgmestre of Giciye Commune.
The Role of the Factory
A meeting chaired by directors of OCIR-THE, Rubaya and Nyabihu tea factories to plan the
decimation of Tutsi who had taken refuge at the Kesho hill was held in the factory on 8th April
1994. On the same date, directors of Rubaya, Nyabihu and Pfunda along with Bourgmestres of
Giciye and Karago communes had a meeting to organize killings against the Tutsis who had fled
at Kesho and in Nyundo Cathedral.
The factories of Rubaya had a significant role in act of planning and executing the genocide
perpetrated against Tutsi in its respective area. The factory preserved guns and machetes which
were used in genocide commission. The Director of OCIR-Thé himself distributed the weapons
to employees in order to kill Tutsi who had fled to Kesho hill.
The factory offered cars which transported killers to Nyundo Cathedral and in other places in the
area. The employees of the factory continued to receive salary at the same time they were
involved in killing activities. Bagaragaza Michel donated the money of the factory to encourage
killers by buying them beer. The factory seems to be a stronghold to plan and implement
genocide which took place in that area.
85
III.9.3. Genocide Commemoration
The factories of Nyabihu, Rubaya and Pfunda do not have a specific day to commemorate their
formers employees, victims of genocide. Yet, employees participate in commemoration events in
villages where they live. There are no specifc initiatives of supporting survivors of the genocide.
There are no specific activities in which factories provide support to families of ex-employees
survivors of the genocide or their relatives. Employees live friendly without ethnic segration nor
genocide ideology.
III.10. How genocide was committed in Pfunda Tea Factory?
Before 1990, there was no ethnic segregation in Pfunda Tea factory. The personnel were living
in harmony because there had been no confrontation, harassment, unfair dismissal on the ground
of ethnic reasons nor persecution that could lead to detention.
III.10.1. Livelihoods and Relationship among the staff during the war of liberation (19901994)
During the liberation war there was no Tutsi who was jailed in Pfunda factory even in Gisenyi
Prefecture. There were no workers who were judged to have complicity with Inkotanyi nor jailed
even though hatred against Tutsi was exacerbated. The administration started to use words
denigrating Tutsi. The director Munyeshuri Innocent responded to an employee called
Gasarabwe Jean Damascene, who was requesting him for professional promotion as provided by
public service law, which he had to be happy of the position he was holding as Tutsi.
(Testimonies no 60902).
86
Therence, a Burundian agronomist, was encouraging workers to hate and harass Tutsi through
hatred speeches that Tutsi are enemies for the country and their plan is to take power and
eliminate all Hutu. These hatred words were said publicly in front of the workers. Consequently,
persecuting Tutsi became a popular culture in so far as even people from outside the factory who
used to come at canteen of the factory could insult Tutsi workers in public. For instance
Muzungu and Ndanduro used to come to the factory and harass Tutsi workers such as Edguard
(an accountant), Muberamfura ex-controller, Gasarabwe Jean Damascene ex-Deputy Tea maker
and Ndahinyuka Emmanuel, ex-Electrician. Finally, Tutsi workers got tired of harassment. After
being strongly harassed by his workmates in public that he was enemy, snake, cockroach,
Gasarabwe decided to quit the job for good and joined Inkotanyi (Testimonies no 60901).
III.10.2. How Genocide was Committed in Pfunda Tea Factory?
OCIR-The directors played a significant role in planning and implementing genocide which took
place in the district where the tea factory is located. Bagaragaza Michel held a meeting for
Nyundo killing activities. With local tea factory directors ‘collaboration, Bagaragaza Michel
stockpiled weapons, guns and machetes which were used to commit genocide in the area.
At Nyundo, Pfunda workers were at the top of killers, Bagaragaza held a meeting on 8th April
1994 preparing killing activities at Nyundo. There were others meetings which were not known
by the staff of the factory. The case of Bagaragaza in ICTR-Arusha confirmed that the
employees of Pfunda Tea Factory went to kill at Nyundo. The tea factory’s money was used to
buy drinks for killers as a reward. The employees of the factory who used to go in killings
continued to receive salary as if killings were their factory daily duties. This is proven by the
payroll list of April, May and June 1994.
87
Disappearing evidences
People who were killed at Nyundo had been thrown out in the mass grave before they were
buried in their dignity. The factory does not have any single person who could provide
testimonies narrating how genocide was committed in the factory.
III.10.3. Genocide Commemoration and Supporting Families of ex-staff who survived
genocide
The factories of Nyabihu, Rubaya and Pfunda do not have a specific day to commemorate their
formers employees, victims of genocide. Yet, employees participate in commemoration events in
villages where they live. There are no specific initiatives of supporting survivors of the genocide.
There are no specific activities in which factories provide support to families of ex-employees
survivors of the genocide or their relatives. Employees live friendly without ethnic segregation
nor genocide ideology.
III.11. How genocide was committed in SORWATHE and Mulindi Tea Factory?
These factories are considered as factories in which genocide did not take place because they
were the strongholds of RPA Inkotanyi during genocide. Both Mulindi and SORWATHE shut
down in June 1992 and in August 1993 respectively. There were no acts of genocide within
factories since April 1994.
III.11.1. Livelihoods and relationship among the staff during the war of liberation (19901994)
Acts of illegal arrests, beating, harassing and insulting Tutsis did not take place in the Mulindi
tea factory because the factory was located in Byumba prefecture, commune Kinihira, Cyungo
88
sector in buffer zone “zone tempon” near the strongholds of Inyenzi Inkotanyi, Kinihira and
Miyove.
Some workers were transferred to other tea factories and others were sucked because the Mulindi
factory was near the strongholds of Inkotanyi. According to a report, 25 workers were transferred
to other factories where they needed more employees whereas 115 workers were given job leave
allowances and got sucked out. A letter on 14/9/1992 written by Mulindi tea factory director,
MIVUMBI Jean Claude, to OCIR-The general director was explaining him that from 5/7/1992
the factory activities had suspended service. In addition, it explained that 25 workers had to be
transferred to other factories as follows: Gisakura (5 workers ), Shagasha (4 workers ), Gisovu (4
workers ), Kitabi (4 workers ), Mata (2 workers ), Pfunda (2 workers), Nyabihu (3 workers).
Many people were not haunted by ethnical segregation behavior on the ground perhaps of being
near the strongholds of Inkotanyi. The ethnical segregation was only noticed while fleeing. Tutsi
workers were not transported like others. For instance Cosma, Munyabigwi and Karangwa
Fabien were walking and on their way, they were blocked and killed by Interahamwe militia
roadblock.
III.11.2. Genocide Commemoration and Supporting Families of ex-staff who survived
genocide
The act of genocide commemoration took place in Mulindi tea factory when it was still under the
administration of OCIR-The. They used to have a specific day for genocide commemoration and
for visiting genocide memorial sites across the country to witness themselves how Tutsi had been
killed. Whenever they ended the visit tour, they were sharing experience from what they had
seen with their colleagues who did not take part in the visit. When the factory was privatized, the
act of genocide commemoration was stopped and moved to villages in which employees
inhabited. Yet, there is no genocide memorial site that was constructed. In SORWATHE tea
factory, they do the act of genocide commemoration which is ended up in collecting support to
the survivors of the genocide in general. They started to commemorate since 2016 and this year
they did it even though no memorial site was built. Employees live friendly without ethnic
segregation nor genocide ideology.
89
IV.CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS
IV.1. Conclusion
The acts of genocide perpetrated against Tutsi in the former OCIR-Café and OCIR-Thé and in
its respective factories have a close linkage with what happened across the country. Through
PARMEHUTU political party, Rwanda’s leaderships were sowing ethnic divisions among
Rwandans since 1960. The PARMEHUTU was teaching that Rwanda belonged to only Hutu and
Tutsi were foreigners. This ideology aimed at excluding Tutsi from the State resources. In 1973
Tutsi were chased out from schools and from public service on the ground that they were simply
Tutsi. The OCIR statement that was sacking Tutsi reads: “Whoever finds his name on this list is
forbidden to enter in OCIR”. The dismissed staff did not come back to resume their work.
The regime of Habyarimana’s slogan was unity and peace among Rwandans. After a short time,
it embarked on ethnic division and regional sectarianism. Tutsi were only given 10% quota in
education and in public service across the country.
In former OCIR-Café and OCIR-Thé and tea factories across the country, they practiced ethnic
segregation politics. Tutsis felt that they had no equal right to Hutu in the Country. For instance,
in Mata tea factory no Tutsi could find a job without a Hutu support’s introduction. Ethnic
segregation politics with harassment practically happened in former OCIR-Café and OCIR-Thé.
This exclusion was an outcome of the war of liberation that broke out on 1st October 1990
spearheaded by RPA Inkotanyi. Since the war broke out, the plan to destroy Tutsi was
implemented in all over the country and OCIR-Café and OCIR-Thé and in its respective factories
inclusive.
These institutions played a significant role in supporting genocide ideology by backing Ngeze
Hassani, Kagura newspaper chief editor. Other acts included convincing Rwandans that the Hutu
and the Tutsi could not live together and recruiting and training Interahamwe militiamen. Either
at headquarters of OCIR-Thé or at its respective factories, training of Interahamwe militiamen
90
and deploying them in the factories to get familiar with the area before genocide perpetration had
happened.
These militiamen could be found at Mata, Gisovu and Shagasha tea factories. All tea factory
directors appeared as leaders of planning and implementing genocide in the areas in which they
were living. This happened at Mata, Kitabi, Shagasha, Gisovu, Rubaya, Nyabihu and Pfunda
factories. Another act was to store weapons and to distribute them during the time of genocide
perpetration, to organize meetings planning killings and to make a list of targeted people. Such
abominable acts happened across the country including OCIR-Café, OCIR-Thé and their
respective branch factories.
After shooting down the airplane of Habyarimana, the genocide broke out. Either at the
headquarters or at respective factories, the plan of genocide was immediately implemented. In
different factories, it was the Directors who played a significant role in the implementation of the
plan of genocide in their location of residence. The General Director of OCIR-Thé
went in
factories located in northern part of the country to supervise the acts of killing Tutsi using
employees and cars of the factory. He helped to kill Tutsi that had taken refuge at Kesho Hill and
he used employees and the resources of Rubaya and Nyabihu Tea factories. He used the Pfunda
Tea Factory to kill the Tutsi who were at Nyundo Cathedral.
Mata tea factory played a significant role in killing Tutsi living in Nyaruguru district and the
Director of the factory, Ndabarinze Juvenal, collaborated with sous prefet Biniga Damien in
hunting down and killing the Tutsi in the area using tea factory employees and cars. Likewise in
Kitabi, the Director of the factory Kamodoka Denis provided the car for carrying people to go to
massacre the Tutsi located at Kibeho, Runyinya and Mudasobwa. The director was with famous
genocide killings’ planners in the area such as Simba Aloys, Prefet Bukirubaruta and Major
Sebuhura and all Bourgmestres of the District.
In Gisovu factory tea, Musema Alfred, the Director, was one of people who led killings in the
area using tea factory employees who had been going to kill while dressing in factory uniforms.
91
Musema provided cars to transport killers and offered money to motivate people in killings. He
worked closely with soldiers who intervened to kill in Gisovu and Bisesero. He collaborated
closely with other prominent killings’ leaders such as Kayishema Clement, Obed Ruzindana and
Elzaphani. Musema Alfred was among the top leaders of killings in the areas of Gisovu and
Bisesero.
The current research found out that 343 employees and their relatives were killed during
genocide: 85 at OCIR-Thé Headquarters, 68 at Mata tea factory, 22 at Kitabi tea factory, 60 at
Gisovu tea factory, 47 at Shagasha tea factory and finally 14 at Rubaya tea factory.
After the army of RPA stopped the genocide, the priority of rehabilitating the country and
building the unity of Rwandans ensued. Commemorating the genocide perpetrated against Tutsi
was one of the strategies to prevent the genocide. At the level of OCIR-Thé and OCIR-Café
headquarters, they started to commemorate in 2008 and they continued to do it each year. The
plan to commemorate genocide perpetrated against Tutsi was made a priority in different tea
factories. At Mata, Kitabi, Gisovu, Gisakura, Shagasha they built memorial sites and planned
genocide commemoration each year. Yet, there are other factories such as Rubaya, Nyabihu,
Pfunda, Mulindi and SORWATHE that did not yet put in place a specific plan to commemorate
the victims of genocide.
Employees in factories interweave friendly relationships without ethnic division as compared to
the one that had prevailed in the period before the genocide. Those who were able to
commemorate the victims of the genocide were also providing support to survivors of the
genocide or to their family members. At the headquarters of OCIR-Thé and OCIR-Café which
were merged into NAEB in 2011, they were able to help genocide orphans by building them
houses and by providing them with cows. They provided internships to school/university
graduands.
92
The former OCIR-Thé
and OCIR-Café were characterized by genocide ideology in that these
institutions offered money for planning and implementing genocide through using their
respective employees to train Interahamwe militiamen, through buying and making arsenal of
weapons and through supervising the killings of genocide.
IV.2. Recommendations
•
NAEB is recommended to encourage all the privatized factories to conduct research in
order to know the exact number of OCIR-Thé former employees, especially casual labor
employees and former employees who were working in tea cooperatives and to
commemorate them.
•
Each factory should have a genocide memorial site and an archival information of names
of both employee categories: full time officers and part employees in order to honor and
commemorate them as a strategy of joining other Rwandans to prevent genocide through
upholding the slogan of ‘never again’ to the genocide.
•
The factories played a significant role in planning and killing their respective employees
during the genocide of Tutsi. Hence, this could be a reason of responsibility to the
factories of recognizing and strongly helping the genocide survivors or relatives of
factories former employees.
V. CHALLENGES
Some challenges have been barriers for the research methodology: In factories around the
country, a list of employees who were working there before Genocide could not be traced.
Likewise, at OCIR-Thé
headquarter office, the list of employees who had been working as
93
managers could not be found. This is to mean that archives had not been managed carefully.
Consequently the study was unnecessarily made long.
People whom we met in all factories across the country explained that they did not have enough
information about acts of Genocide that had taken place in their respective factories. This made
us to think about recommending each factory to have a genocide memorial site that has archival
information of how genocide was committed in the area where the factory is located and to
present the role that the factory had played.
94
REFERENCES
African rights, Witness to genocide, 1999, issue 10
Bizimana jean Damascene, Inzira ya jenoside yakorewe Abatutsi mu Rwanda, Kigali, 20014,
Human rights watch&FILDH, Aucun temoin ne doit survivre. Le genocide au Rwanda, Paris
Karthala, 1999,
Human rights watch, Arms project. Arming Rwanda, 1999,
ICTR, The prosecution versus Alfred Musema. Case No ICTR-96-13-T.
Judgement and
sentence, Arusha, 2000,
ICTR, The prosecutor versus Aloys Simba. Case No ICTR-2001-76-T. Judgement and sentence,
Arusha, 2001,
ICTR, The prosecutor versus Michel Bagaragaza. Case No ICTR-05-86-S. Judgement and
sentence, Arusha, 2009,
Law No 39/2010of 25/11/2010 establishing National Agricultural Export Development Board
(NAEB) and determining its responsabilities, organization and functioning, in Official Gazette
No 04 of 24/1/2011, p. 67-81,
Law Nº13/2017 OF 14/04/2017 Establishing National Agricultural Export Development Board
(NAEB) and determining its mission, organisation and function, in Official Gazette No 18of
1/05/2017, p. 7-36,
Mugesera A., Imibereho y’Abatutsi kuri Repubulika ya mbere n’iya kabiri (1959- 1990), Kigali,
Les Editions Rwandaises, mars 2004,
NURC, Amateka yu Rwanda kuva mu ntangiriro kugeza mu kinyejana cya 20, Kigali, 2016,
OCIR-CAFE, OCIR-Café. 20 ans d’activites. 1964-1984, Kigali, 1984,
95
OCIR-The, Etudes des Schemas directeurs d’informatisation, Kigali, 1993,
Office du The, Rapport annuel 1991, Kigali, 1991,
Rafael Lemkin, Axis Rule in occupied Europe: Laws of occupation, Analysis of Government,
proposal for Redress, Washington, 1944,
The Constitution of the
Republic of Rwanda of 2003 revised in 2015 in Official Gazette No
special of 24/12/2015
96
APPENDICES
97
Appendix 1: organigramme de l’OCIR-THE
98
Appendix 2: Organigramme d’une usine de the
99
Appendix 3; Organigramme de l’OCIR-Café.
100
Appendix 4. The List of staff of OCIR-Thé and OCIR-Café killed in the genocide
perpetrated against Tutsi
1. Those who were living the Compound of OCIR-Thé and OCIR-Café were buried in the
genocide memorial of Nyanza of Kicukiro
NOMERO AMAZINA
IKIGO
1
GASASIRA Jean Baptiste
Ocir Cafe
2
GASASIRA Fils
Ocir Cafe
3
GASASIRA Arsene
Ocir Cafe
4
GASASIRE Josephine
Ocir Cafe
5
MUKAMANA Rachel
Ocir Cafe
6
NDORI Vivense
Ocir Cafe
7
NSHIMYUKIZA Come
Ocir Cafe
8
NSHIMYUMUKIZA Jaqueline
Ocir Cafe
9
NSHIMYUMUKIZA Gilbert
Ocir Cafe
10
NSHIMYUMUKIZA Robert
Ocir Cafe
11
RUDAHANWA Etienne
Ocir Cafe
12
RUDAHANWA ICYUSA Omella
Ocir Cafe
13
RUDAHANWA ITUZE Steve
Ocir Cafe
14
RUDAHANWA UWAMALIYA Christine
Ocir Cafe
15
RUTAYISIRE Alex
Ocir Cafe
16
SHYIRAMBERE
17
SHYIRAHAYO NYIRABAGANDE
Augustin
Ocir Cafe
Ocir Cafe
Esperance
18
SHYIRAHAYO INGABIRE Peace
Ocir Cafe
19
UWAMALIYA Alphonsine
Ocir Cafe
20
UWIZEYIMANA Jeanne
Ocir Cafe
21
RUKAKA Assinapol
OCIR-Thé
22
RUKAKA SHINGIRO Didier
OCIR-Thé
101
23
RUKAKA UWAMALIYA Beata
OCIR-Thé
24
RUKAKA NKUSI Yves
OCIR-Thé
25
RUKAKA SHYAKA Hyacinthe
OCIR-Thé
26
RUKAKA Angelo
OCIR-Thé
27
RUKAKA Patrick
OCIR-Thé
28
Marie (umukozi wa RUKAKA)
OCIR-Thé
29
RUTEMBEKA Evariste
OCIR-Thé
30
MUGANZA Stanislas
OCIR-Thé
31
MUGANZA Claude
OCIR-Thé
32
NIYONZIMA Vincent
OCIR-Thé
33
NIYONZIMA TWISHIME Yves
OCIR-Thé
34
NIYONZIMA KANTENGWA Marie Claire
OCIR-Thé
2. OCIR staff who were killed outside the compound along with their members of families
1
BIMENYIMANA
2
BURUMA Gaston
3
GASANA Augustin
4
GASASIRA Theogene
5
JAENNETTE
6
KAMBANDA Deogratiace
7
KAMBANDA Fillette
8
KAMBANDA Fils
9
KAMBANDA Flora
10
KARARA Apolline
11
KAYITANKORE Francois xavier
12
KAYITESI Beatrice
13
MAHINDA Augustin
14
MAHINDA Augustin
15
MASABO Samson
102
16
MBANDA Canisius
17
Mme MBANDA
18
Abana ba MBANDA 3
21
MUGOREWERA Claudine (OCIR-The).
22
MUGOREWERA Fils
23
MUKAGASANA Annonciata
24
MUKANYONGA Annonciata
25
NDOLI Bertrand
26
NDOLI Denis
27
NDOLI Denise
28
NDOLI IRIBORI Marie Noel
29
NDOLI MPUHWE Aime
30
NDOLI MUKANDUTIYE Olive
31
NDOLI RWABAKIKA Olivier
32
NDOLI UMUBYEYI Vivine
33
NTEZIMANA Alain
34
NTEZIMANA Alice
35
NTEZIMANA Antoine
36
NTEZIMANA Clystere
37
NYANDEKWE Nadine
38
NYANDEKWE Nathalie
39
NYANDEKWE Pierre
40
NYANDEKWE Virginie
41
NYIMBUZI Aloys
42
NYIMBUZI NYIRIMANA Bibiane
43
NYIMBUZI YVES Chavalie
44
NYIRARYAKA
45
NYIRINYONGA Irene
46
RUZIRABWOBA Thadee
47
RUZIRABWOBA UWONKUNDA Clarisse
103
48
RUZIRABWOBA UWONKUNDA Laissa
49
UMUTESI Chantal
50
UWIMANA Bibiane
51
UWINEZA Euphrasie
Kitabi.Tea Factory
no
Names
Posts occupied
1
KABASHA Emmanuel
Chauffeur wa Direction
2
UWANYIRIGIRA Emma
Fille de KABASHA Emmanuel
3
GAKURU Eric
Fils de KABASHA Emmanuel
4
KAYIHURA Emmanuel
Agronome
5
KAYIHURA Basilisa
Madame KAYIHURA Emmanuel
6
KAYIHURA Clemence
Fille de KAYIHURA Emmanuel
7
KAYIHURA Louis
Fils de KAYIHURA Emmanuel
8
MUNYAKAZI Innocent Alias
Soudeur
Gakondo
9
MUNYAKAZI Domina
Madame MUNYAKAZI Innocent
10
MUSONERA
Comptable
11
MUTSINZI Vedaste
Chef Tea Maker
12
MUTSINZI D’Amour
Fils de MUTSINZI Vedaste
13
MUTSINZI Gilbert
Fils de MUTSINZI Vedaste
14
MUGURWINKA Madeleine
Madame MUYOVU Andre (was not
targeted )
15
MUGIRANEZA
Fils de Muyovu Andre (was not targeted)
16
MUKAMPIRWA Marthe
Madame Nyirimpunga Emmanuel (was not
targeted)
17
NDAMAGE Vincent
Chef Garage (Mechanic)
18
SINDAYIGAYA Andre Alias
Chauffeur
RUVUSHA
19
SINDAYIGAYA Fausta
Madame SINDAYIGAYA Andre
104
20
SINDAYIGAYA- NDATIMANA
Fils SINDAYIGAYA Andre
21
SINDAYIGAYA Florence Alias
Fille de SINDAYIGAYA Andre
MATAMA
22
UWADEMOKARASI
Agronome
Gisakura Tea Factory
No Amazina
Position held
1
Bucyana Jean
Capita Alimentation
2
Gapyiri Viateur
M.O Plantation
3
Gasamunyiga
M.O Bois
4
Gashumba Naasson
Capita Chef Usine
5
Gatari
6
Gatera Evariste
Agronome
7
Habineza Albert
M.O Alimentation
8
Kabera Jean Baptiste
Chauffeur
9
Kamenyero Elias
he was working in the factory (but his
position was not identified)
10
Kanonika Aminadabu (along with his he was working in tea plantations
5 children)
16
Karima Claude
he was pumping water
17
Kasiro Theodore
Clerc Plantation
18
Kigingi Eugene
19
Malayika
20
Mugayuhore Innocent
M.O Alimentation
21
Mukaboneza Drocella n.abana be 2
Clerc Plantation
24
Mukagahenda Noella n’abana be 3
Clerc Plantation
28
Mukamunana Josephine (n’abana be Centre de Sante
batatu)
32
Mukarepubulika Jackline
Secretary
105
33
Musoni
34
Muvunyi Eugene
Agronome
35
Nabeza Thereza n’abana be 2
Clerc Usine
38
Ndori Eulade
M.O Bois
39
Nemeyukuri Emmanuel
M.O Emballage
40
Niyibizi Nicolas
41
Nkeragutabara Bernard
Capita Usine
42
Ntaganzwa Alexandre
he was working in the factory (but his
position was not identified)
43
Pierre
44
Twagirayezu Albert
45
Ugiruwabo Pierre
46
Ulinganiye Eurelien
47
Uwariraye Pierre
Driver
M.O Usine
Capita Usine
Gisovu Tea Factory
no Amazina
Umurimo yakoraga
1
GATERA Augustin
He was working in canteen
2
MUKADATA Dorothée
storekeeper
3
MUKAKAYIJO Beatrice
He was not working in the
factory
4
MUKAMARARA Regina
He was not working in the
factory
5
NDAMAGE Jean Paul +his wife+ 6 children
Electrician
13 NDOLI Edouard+wife+4 children
Cashier
19 NZAMURAMBAHO Jean+wife+3 children
Driver
24 RUHINDANA Edgard
Budget
25 RUTEMBESA Fidele +wife+ 3 children
Monagri
30 RWAGAPFIZI Alphonse +wife+ 5 chidren
Head of tea plantation
37 TWAGIRA KAYEGO Canisius +wife+ 5
Head of accountancy
106
children+ guest
45 SONGA Innocent
Monagri
46 SENYANGE Bertin + wife+ child
Arpenteur
49 UWAMARIYA Odette + husband + 3 children
Secretary
54 MUJAWAYEZU Annonciatte
Clerk
55 MURINDABIGWI Martin
Capita
56 NYIRANGIRUMWAMI Diane
Clerk
60 NAMAHUNGU Jean + wife + 2 children
Chauffeur
Shagasha Tea Factory
No Amazina
Icyo bakoraga
1
BAYINGANA Thacien
Secretaire
2
Beatrice
3
BIRORI Francois
4
BUZIZI Vedaste
5
Cassien
6
Claudien
7
Damascene
8
Felix
9
GAHURANYI Damascene
10
GASHEREBUKA Canisius
11
Gratien
12
HIGIRO Epaphrodite
13
IYAMUREMYE Joseph
14
Juvenal
15
KAGANDA Claude
16
KALIMA
17
KAMUZINZI Casimir
18
KANAMUGIRE Deo
Agronome
107
19
KARAMAGA Symphorien
20
KAYIHURA Callixte
21
KAYIHURA Vedaste
22
KAYITANI
23
KAYITARE Fabien
24
MAJYAMBERE Laurien
25
MANGERA
26
MASABO
27
MUHORANDI Phocas
28
MUJANDARUME Damascene
29
MUJYAMBERE
30
MUKAKARISA Melanie
31
MUNYENGANGO Nicolas
32
MURENZI Janvier
33
NGARAMBE Antoine
34
NKAKA Jean
35
NKUSI Eugene
36
NSENGIMANA Ildephonse
37
NYAMWASA Emmanuel
38
NYANGEZI Callixte
39
NZARAMBA Evariste
40
NZEYINGORO Reverien
41
RUTAGARAMA Celestin
42
RUTAYISIRE
43
RUZINDANA Fidele
44
RWAKAYINGAMBA Gerard
45
RWAMWAGA Gustave
46
SEMIGABO Phocas
47
SERUBYOGO Evariste
Technicien
Technicien
Agronome
Capita
Secretary
108
Mata Tea Factory
Employees of Mata Tea Factory killed in genocide
Staff under statutes
Names
Position held
1
2
KAYINAMURA Bernard
KARENZI Anaclet
Agronome
Agronome
3
GASIRABO Clet
Deputy Tea maker
4
Fils RUKARA
Deputy Tea maker
5
NKUSI Alexis
Chef de garage
6
SENYANGE
Monagri
7
MUKANDAMAGE Donatilla
Laboratory officer
8
Sylvie
Laboratory officer
9
NGABONZIMA Emmanuel
Foreman
10 KAYIGI Charles
Driver
11 MUTAGANDA Charles
Driver
12 CANDALI Josée
Clerc
13 MUKAMUGEMA Prisca
Clerc
14 KABUTURA James
Carpenter
15 RUKARA Etienne
Carpenter
16 MBARUSHIMANA Désire
Foreman of firewood
17 NZABAMWITA Jean
Chaudière
109
Casual Labour staff of Mata
1. NDWANIYE Vénant
2. MURANGIRA
3. KAREMERA Vianney
4. GASHAGAZA RUSENGO
5. NYAMASWA Damascène
6. RWIKIMA
7. NZABANDORA
8. Victor
9. KABANZA Charles
10. MUNANA Domitien
11. MBABARIYE Faustin
12. NSHIMIYIMANA Israël
13. MADARIDARI Eugène
14. NTAKAVURO Narcisse
15. GATARE Bertin
16. NSHIMIYIMANA Bosco
17. RUSAGARA Innocent
18. NZEYIMANA Filmin
19. KAGERUKA Taurin
20. NAMBAZIMANA Frédéric
110
21. MUHASHYI Sylivin
22.GAKUBA Gervais
23. MIRIMBO
24. NYARWAYA Augustin
25. NDAGIJIMANA Baudouin
26.NYANTABANA
27. MUVUNYI Camille
28. GASARABWE
29. KANAMUGIRE
30. RUVUGAMADANDI
31. NDAYISABA
32. MUNGANYINKA Mathilde
33. KAYUMBA Vianney
34. RUNYANGE Ignace
35. NIYONAGIRA Vincent
36. KANAMUGIRE Innocent
37. TUYIZERE Jeanne
38. RUNOMBE
39. Anaclet
40. GAHAMANYI Juvénal
41. RUZINDANA Célestin
42. RWASUBUTARE
43. MUKARWEGO Clotilide
111
44. NYIRIMIGABO Donat
45 . KAGABA Damascène
46. NYAMWASA Alexis
47. KARANGWA Joseph
48. RWANYONGA Fredrick
49. NSHIMIYIMANA Israel
50. UWIMANA BEATA
51. TWAGIRUMUKIZA Justine
Rubaya Tea Factory
1. BASEKE Immaculee
2. CANISIUS
Plantation
3. GAHURU Jonas
Foreman
4. GASAMUNYIGA
Foreman
5. GATWAZA
Watchman
6. GISHONGORE
Foreman
7. HATEGEKA
8. MBONIGABA
Plantation
9. MUKAGATERA Xavella
Foreman
10. MUKAZITONI
Plantation
11. NDEGEYA Jonas
Capita
12. NYIRABUPETI
Plantation
13. NYIRAKOBWA
Plantation
14. RUTAYISIRE
Chef M.O
112
Appendix 5: Some Photos of staff killed in the genocide (Source: NAEB public relations)
Uwimana Bibiane
Rutayisire Alexis
Nyandekwe Virginie &
Ndori Vivens
Ntezimana Antoine
Mukagasana Annonciate
Masabo Samson
113
Mahinda Augustin
Gasarasi Jean Baptiste
Kayitesi Beatrice
Karara Appolinaire
Rutembeka Evariste
Bimenyimana Innocent
114
Rukaka Assinapol
Chilidren of Rukaka
Along with his spouse wamariya Beata
Child of Rukaka
Etienne Rudahanwa
Nshimyumukiza Come
Kambanda
115
Euphrasie Kambanda
Children of Kambanda and Euphrasie
Uwamariya Alphonsine
Nyirabagande Esperance Madame
Shyirahayo Augustin
Shyirahayo Augustin
child of Rukaka yves
116
Umutesi Marie Chantal,
The child of Rukaka called
Didier
The child of Mukagasana Annonciata
The child of Rukaka called Patrick
The child of Rukaka called Yves
117
The spouse of Rukaka, Uwamariya Beata
Ruzirabwoba, the husband of Immaculee Mukantaganira
118
